Tuesday, June 29, 2010

A unique feat in multi-party democracy


The Hindu, Monday, Jun 21, 2010



The Left Front in West Bengal completes its 33rd year in office on June 21— a unique achievement in the annals of multi-party parliamentary democracy in India. Spontaneous and massive mandates of the people in the successive Assembly elections have ensured the Left Front's emphatic return to power for seven successive terms.

This electoral achievement assumes greater significance, given that there have been several changes in the political leadership over the period, in both the national as well as international arena.


The Left Front, when it voted to power first in 1977, promised to promote the cause of the under-privileged, the working class, the middles class and all backward sections and to restore democracy that was severely undermined during 1970-77. The withdrawal of cases against all political prisoners was the first step the government took towards achieving these objectives.

In the preliminary years, the government's primary emphasis was on accelerating the pace of agrarian reforms and lifting the State's rural economy from the doldrums. Measures, including land reforms, were given the maximum thrust to ensure economic security and restore the social dignity of the poor and landless farmers.Over the past 33 years, West Bengal has created a record by recovering surplus land and providing bargas and pattas to the original tillers. Simultaneously the government extended irrigation network, developed fisheries and animal resources and offered financial assistance to cottage and village-based industry.


The Panchayati Raj institution was also expanded and, after many years, the elections to the three-tier panchayats were held all over the State for the first time in 1978. This was in accordance with the Left Front government's decision that the administration should involve people's representatives at the grassroots in formulating policies and executing government programmes. The decision was taken to ensure that development acquired a just direction and a certain pace so as to ameliorate the problems and wipe out the ills plaguing the economic growth and to ensure social justice in rural areas.


In the subsequent years, elections were held regularly in all municipalities. At present, more than 50 per cent of the State's plan outlay is spent through panchayats and municipalities.

Agrarian reforms apart, democratisation of political institutions and decentralisation of administration, and education, health, social welfare, refugee relief, forests, environment and public health engineering were given due attention to ensure growth in every sector through employment generation.


All-round development initiatives like the revamp of the Public Distribution System to supply essential commodities through ration shops to the people have brought down the number of people living below the poverty line.


Agriculture


When the Left Front assumed office three decades ago, agriculture was in distress, with the ownership of cultivable land resting predominantly with non-productive farmers, though the rural population was composed mainly of sharecroppers, land labourers and part-time labourers.
With the rural economy burdened with a poorly constituted cottage industry, it would not be an exaggeration to say the scope of development in the rural sector was limited. The government's undaunted efforts at developing the rural economy have helped the State achieve the highest rate of growth in agriculture. The benefit of growth has gone largely to small and marginal farmers, since they own 85 per cent of agricultural land in West Bengal. The fisheries sector has also made considerable progress.


The term ‘development,' however, should not be read only in terms of income or financial well-being. The ability of an individual to decide upon matters relating to education, health, the standards of living and social affiliations collectively determine the understanding of development.


From the very beginning, the Left Front government was aware that the overall development of the State was not possible unless a well-equipped policy to accelerate industrial development was in place, besides the development of agriculture and allied sectors. Development in the two sectors is inter-related and inter-dependent, so the government shifted attention towards bringing about a turn-around in the sphere of industry towards the end of the second decade of its rule.


The industrial progress of the State, which had a prosperous heritage of trade, commerce and industry, suffered profoundly in the 1970s and 1980s owing to the Centre's licensing policy and discriminatory freight equalization scheme for coal and steel. A case in point was the deliberate delay in issuing licence for the Haldia Petrochemicals Project.


The Left Front launched a nationwide movement against the Centre's neglect of some States. The Centre ultimately made policy changes on these two issues in the early 1990s.


Alternative approach


This enabled the State government to formulate the draft industrial policy in 1994 that sought to adopt an alternative approach to industrialisation, encouraging new technology and investments, so as to further economic growth through creation of more jobs. The Left Front government felt that emphasis must be laid on heavy industries, especially in the manufacturing and engineering sectors, sunrise industries, petrochemicals, IT, telecommunications and shipping to fulfil the rising aspirations of the people.


After the revamp of the industrial sector, the situation improved faster, with more investors showing interest in West Bengal. Besides the commissioning of the Haldia Petrochemicals Project and Mitsubishi PTA, many projects have already come up, while plenty more are in the pipeline.
One sector that has witnessed a phenomenal growth in recent years is the information technology and information technology-based services sector. Most of the IT companies have set up shop in the State. With the vast local talent pool and the ideally built infrastructure, Sector V of Salt Lake is a major IT hub in the country.


The proposed Jindal iron and steel plant at Salboni in Paschim Medinipur district and the Jai Balaji Group's steel plants at Raghunathpur in Purulia district are expected to have a significant impact on the turn-around of large manufacturing units, spurring growth through employment generation not only in the respective regions but in the entire State.


Balanced growth


The Left Front government is convinced that all that the State and its people have achieved in the agrarian sector will be in peril unless a balanced growth of the secondary and tertiary sectors through industrialisation is ensured now.


Through this balanced growth, it has pledged to ease the growing burden of workforce dependent on agriculture, ensure a more sustainable growth of the primary sector by providing inputs for modernisation and higher productivity, and augment the revenue resources for more public investment in the primary sector.

A unique feat in multi-party democracy


The Hindu, Monday, Jun 21, 2010
The Left Front in West Bengal completes its 33rd year in office on June 21— a unique achievement in the annals of multi-party parliamentary democracy in India. Spontaneous and massive mandates of the people in the successive Assembly elections have ensured the Left Front's emphatic return to power for seven successive terms.
This electoral achievement assumes greater significance, given that there have been several changes in the political leadership over the period, in both the national as well as international arena.

The Left Front, when it voted to power first in 1977, promised to promote the cause of the under-privileged, the working class, the middles class and all backward sections and to restore democracy that was severely undermined during 1970-77. The withdrawal of cases against all political prisoners was the first step the government took towards achieving these objectives.
In the preliminary years, the government's primary emphasis was on accelerating the pace of agrarian reforms and lifting the State's rural economy from the doldrums. Measures, including land reforms, were given the maximum thrust to ensure economic security and restore the social dignity of the poor and landless farmers.Over the past 33 years, West Bengal has created a record by recovering surplus land and providing bargas and pattas to the original tillers. Simultaneously the government extended irrigation network, developed fisheries and animal resources and offered financial assistance to cottage and village-based industry.

The Panchayati Raj institution was also expanded and, after many years, the elections to the three-tier panchayats were held all over the State for the first time in 1978. This was in accordance with the Left Front government's decision that the administration should involve people's representatives at the grassroots in formulating policies and executing government programmes. The decision was taken to ensure that development acquired a just direction and a certain pace so as to ameliorate the problems and wipe out the ills plaguing the economic growth and to ensure social justice in rural areas.

In the subsequent years, elections were held regularly in all municipalities. At present, more than 50 per cent of the State's plan outlay is spent through panchayats and municipalities.
Agrarian reforms apart, democratisation of political institutions and decentralisation of administration, and education, health, social welfare, refugee relief, forests, environment and public health engineering were given due attention to ensure growth in every sector through employment generation.

All-round development initiatives like the revamp of the Public Distribution System to supply essential commodities through ration shops to the people have brought down the number of people living below the poverty line.

Agriculture

When the Left Front assumed office three decades ago, agriculture was in distress, with the ownership of cultivable land resting predominantly with non-productive farmers, though the rural population was composed mainly of sharecroppers, land labourers and part-time labourers.
With the rural economy burdened with a poorly constituted cottage industry, it would not be an exaggeration to say the scope of development in the rural sector was limited. The government's undaunted efforts at developing the rural economy have helped the State achieve the highest rate of growth in agriculture. The benefit of growth has gone largely to small and marginal farmers, since they own 85 per cent of agricultural land in West Bengal. The fisheries sector has also made considerable progress.

The term ‘development,' however, should not be read only in terms of income or financial well-being. The ability of an individual to decide upon matters relating to education, health, the standards of living and social affiliations collectively determine the understanding of development.

From the very beginning, the Left Front government was aware that the overall development of the State was not possible unless a well-equipped policy to accelerate industrial development was in place, besides the development of agriculture and allied sectors. Development in the two sectors is inter-related and inter-dependent, so the government shifted attention towards bringing about a turn-around in the sphere of industry towards the end of the second decade of its rule.

The industrial progress of the State, which had a prosperous heritage of trade, commerce and industry, suffered profoundly in the 1970s and 1980s owing to the Centre's licensing policy and discriminatory freight equalization scheme for coal and steel. A case in point was the deliberate delay in issuing licence for the Haldia Petrochemicals Project.

The Left Front launched a nationwide movement against the Centre's neglect of some States. The Centre ultimately made policy changes on these two issues in the early 1990s.

Alternative approach

This enabled the State government to formulate the draft industrial policy in 1994 that sought to adopt an alternative approach to industrialisation, encouraging new technology and investments, so as to further economic growth through creation of more jobs. The Left Front government felt that emphasis must be laid on heavy industries, especially in the manufacturing and engineering sectors, sunrise industries, petrochemicals, IT, telecommunications and shipping to fulfil the rising aspirations of the people.

After the revamp of the industrial sector, the situation improved faster, with more investors showing interest in West Bengal. Besides the commissioning of the Haldia Petrochemicals Project and Mitsubishi PTA, many projects have already come up, while plenty more are in the pipeline.
One sector that has witnessed a phenomenal growth in recent years is the information technology and information technology-based services sector. Most of the IT companies have set up shop in the State. With the vast local talent pool and the ideally built infrastructure, Sector V of Salt Lake is a major IT hub in the country.

The proposed Jindal iron and steel plant at Salboni in Paschim Medinipur district and the Jai Balaji Group's steel plants at Raghunathpur in Purulia district are expected to have a significant impact on the turn-around of large manufacturing units, spurring growth through employment generation not only in the respective regions but in the entire State.

Balanced growth

The Left Front government is convinced that all that the State and its people have achieved in the agrarian sector will be in peril unless a balanced growth of the secondary and tertiary sectors through industrialisation is ensured now.

Through this balanced growth, it has pledged to ease the growing burden of workforce dependent on agriculture, ensure a more sustainable growth of the primary sector by providing inputs for modernisation and higher productivity, and augment the revenue resources for more public investment in the primary sector.

Friday, June 25, 2010

INTERVIEW WITH BUDDHADEB BHATTACHARYA ON 33 YEARS OF LEFT FRONT GOVT IN BENGAL


'The Meaning of So-Called
“Change” is Anarchy'



The Left Front government in West Bengal has achieved the distinction of continuing for 33 years at a stretch. It has started the journey of 34th year on June 21, 2010. In an interview to Ganashakti, chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya has highlighted some issues in the context of present situation in the state. Below we give excerpts of the interview:


On the recent defeats in polls


The Left Front has gained majority support for consecutive seven terms from 1977. The results of last Lok Sabha elections was an exception. Same trends have been noticed in other elections thereafter. After the Lok Sabha elections, we have reviewed the results. We have identified the areas in government’s planning and actions where there are mistakes. For example, we are now alert on the question of land acquisition. We will protect the fertile lands while non fertile lands would be used for industrialisation. In this case too, we have to be much more sincere on compensation and rehabilitation. If the poor people feel ignored in any area of government and panchayat activities, we have to correct those mistakes. We have to be more sincere about the development of minorities.

We have also identified problems in the organisation of Party. There have been instances of undesirable activities which have dented Party’s image. We have decided to rectify quickly.


Is there a problem in the relationship with the peasantry?


The Left Front was born through continuous peasant movement along with the movements of workers, employees, teachers, students, youth, women. Left Front has progressed through land struggle and struggle for sharecroppers’ rights. The peasantry was deprived in the Congress regime. They were given due honour during the Left Front period. Around 11 lakh acres of land was distributed to the poor and marginal farmers through land reforms. More than 15 lakh sharecroppers were recorded. Overwhelming sections of the peasantry support the Left. One aspect of the Singur and Nandigram episode was our target for industrialisation and generation of employment. But a section of the peasantry and the general people did not accept our stand. To them transfer of land for industries became major concern while they did not comprehend the alternatives. We have now become more careful. The policies for acquisition of land for industries and rehabilitation must be made more realistic, so that the peasantry and the people in general accept that and participate voluntarily.

On the continuous obstruction by opposition parties


It is true that the organised obstruction to resist governmental projects has increased after the last Lok Sabha elections, for example, in Nayachar petrochemicals project, in power project in Katwa, expansion of national highway etc. Despite this, we have progressed during this period. The agricultural production has increased. More than Rs 7000 crore have been invested in industries in the last one year. Clusters for small industries have been constructed. The number of schools and colleges has increased while new universities have been started. Very soon work of Sidho-Kanu University will start.

It would have been correct for the opposition parties to support the government in developmental activities. However, they have continuously put obstacles. Whatever be the situation, we will forge ahead with our programme. We cannot remain idle.


On the priorities of the Left Front government

The priorities can be best summarised as follows: to take the success of states’ agriculture to a new high banking on the success of the land reforms in the state; to fasten up the pace of the process of industrialisation in the state; to advance in the field of human resource development through advancing the success in education, health and related areas. Our topmost emphasis is on the socio-economic development of backward sections, including schedule castes, schedule tribes and minorities.

We have emphasised in distribution of homestead lands in rural and urban areas. Emphasis has been given on employment generation.

On Maoist terror


One of the major problems in the Jangal Mahal area is the terror and annihilation campaign unleashed by the 'Maoists'. We are fighting them both politically and administratively. But the complexity of the situation is that the main opposition party and some organisations are encouraging them either directly or indirectly. We treat this problem as a political problem.

Of course, the problem has an all-India perspective. 'Maoists' are active in seven to eight states. As they have chosen poorer areas as their terrain, it is necessary to initiate socio-economic measures to isolate them. It is also necessary to face them politically apart from activating the police and administration. It is a long term fight and there is no easy solution.


On the so-called slogan of “change”


What is the real meaning of so-called slogan of “change”? Whatever has been done by us, would be changed retrogressively? Will the lands which have come in the hands of the peasants be returned back to landlords? Will the investments for industries be returned? Will the decentralisation of power through panchayats and urban local bodies be dismantled? The people of West Bengal have marched forward in the last 33 years. What are the alternative policies of the opposition? Anarchy can not bring any real, meaningful change. We want to march towards the light, not retard back into darkness.

Saturday, June 19, 2010

33 Years of Left Front Government: Defend the Gains of the Working People




By Prakash Karat


The completion of 33 years of the Left Front government in West Bengal is a historic landmark. No other state government led by other political parties have such a record both in terms of longevity and in the implementation of policies which have benefited the people. This unique record is sought to be overshadowed by the electoral reverses suffered by the CPI(M) and the Left Front in the past one year – from the Lok Sabha elections up to the 81 municipal corporation polls.

This situation is being utilized to negate all the achievements and work done by the Left Front government in the past three decades. A vitriolic propaganda is on to depict West Bengal as a state which has “suffocated” under “Red rule”; that West Bengal has been converted into a desert devoid of any worthwhile development. That such propaganda is being made by the ruling classes and the corporate media should not surprise one because the entire record of the Left Front government has been to push through policies which have been not in the interests of the bourgeois-landlord classes of our country.

No other state has implemented land reforms to the extent that West Bengal has. One-fifth of the total land distributed as surplus land in the country has been in West Bengal alone. No other state has ensured that agricultural development benefits the peasantry and not a narrow strata of landlords and rich peasants. The institutionalization of the panchayat system opened up the way for the rural toiling masses to have a say in their local affairs. The prolonged rule of the Left Front has created a stable secular atmosphere. The exercise of democratic rights by various sections of the working people is an inherent feature of the political system. There is no doubt that the three decades of Left Front government have transformed West Bengal for the better.

This does not mean that the Left Front government has had a smooth path of advance. Especially after the change in the phase of capitalist development at the all-India level marked by the introduction of neo-liberal policies in the 1990s, the difficulties in pursuing pro-people policies became evident. The limitations of the powers and resources of the state government posed obstacles to pursuing alternative policies. The CPI(M) and the Left Front, which have been the only consistent force against the neo-liberal policies and the growing collaboration with imperialism, were bound to come under attack.

For the ruling classes and imperialism, the continued existence of a Left Front government was disagreeable. The role of the CPI(M) and the Left after the 2004 Lok Sabha elections in national politics highlighted this aspect. Weakening of the CPI(M) and the Left required the isolation of the Left Front government.

Within West Bengal, the class struggle had not ever abated during the long tenure of the Left Front government. Under the impact of the new phase of capitalist development, there have been changes in class relations in the countryside and urban areas. New contradictions and problems emerged within the ambit of the impact of the policies pursued by the Left Front government. It is necessary to make a deeper analysis and understand the forces at play which have had its impact on the political situation in the state.

The nature of the opposition to the CPI(M) and the Left Front reveals certain political facts. The rightwing opposition forces are often adopting Left postures to cover-up their virulent anti-Communism. This arises from the people’s consciousness who will not mobilise around a rightwing/reactionary platform. We saw such a phenomenon in Kerala too decades earlier when the Congress-led anti-Communist alliance had to mouth radical slogans and rhetoric. Utilising some of the cracks which developed in the popular support for the CPI(M), the rightwing opposition has mounted an all out offensive by mobilizing all the anti-Communist and divisive forces.

The post-Lok Sabha election period has seen attacks on the CPI(M) cadres with more than 245 killed in the past one year. Thousands of people have been rendered homeless. There have been evictions of peasants and bargadars and forcible occupation of Party and mass organization offices and arson attacks on houses. Such attacks revealed the true nature of the political forces ranged against the Left Front. It portends a class attack which will take place against not only the CPI(M) and the Left but against the common people and the gains that they have achieved. The aim of the Trinamul-Congress combine of displacing the Left Front government to end the so-called “Red misrule” is actually meant to bring about a counter transformation. A `pariborthon’ which would lead to establishing the rule of the dominant classes and vested interests in the rural areas and under the cover of petty bourgeois radical demagogy, a free run for neo-liberal policies.

The crucial questions will be :



· Can such forces be allowed to rollback the relations in land which favour the poor peasants and the rural poor? Can the edifice built on land reforms be eroded?



· Can the opportunist bourgeois politics of instigating communal divisions and politicking based on that be allowed to come back in West Bengal? Already we saw how the Trinamul Congress leader had sought to stoke fears about communal violence erupting after the municipal polls. The lasting achievement of communal peace in West Bengal cannot be sacrificed for the narrow interest of anti-Communism.

What the anti-Communist combine seeks to usher in is a narrow form of identity politics which seeks to fan ethnic, religious and caste identities. Such politics is resorted to, to erode the solidarity of the working people and will have its regressive effects on society.

The CPI(M) is conscious that the long years of continuous Left Front government have, despite its enormous achievements, also engendered some negative features. It is a part of the basic understanding of the Party that running the state government is not the exercise of State power. The bureaucracy, the police and other institutions of the State have not been touched by any basic changes. Working in such a system, in government, has its effects on the Party and its organization. Though efforts were made continuously to limit the corrosive effects of this association.

The recent electoral results show that some sections of the people have been alienated. This cannot be attributed to the functioning of the Left Front government alone. The causes of such alienation lie in the political sphere and also in the organizational shortcomings and weaknesses of the Party. The steps that are being taken to overcome the shortcomings and reforge the links with the people are, therefore, to be taken up in the three spheres -governmental, political and organizational which are interlinked.

In the last year of its present tenure, the Left Front government will do everything possible to implement the pro-people measures spelt out in the state budget and continue to provide relief to the people who are suffering from price rise, the effects of the agrarian crisis and the policies of the Central government in various spheres.

Contrary to what is being depicted, the mass base of the CPI(M) and the Left is substantial and widespread. The forces which are ranged against the Left Front are not going to be united permanently. With the adoption of correct tactics and the single-minded resolve to go to the people, the situation can be turned around.

The entire Party and the Left and democratic forces in the country stand with the CPI(M) and the Left Front in West Bengal in their difficult but necessary struggle to fend off the offensive of the reactionary forces and to reforge the links with the people. Defending the Left Front government means defending the gains and rights of the working people. We cannot ever forget that the Left Front government is a product of the prolonged struggles of the working people of West Bengal.


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Wednesday, June 16, 2010

West Bengal’s health secret

For at least the past year, and probably more, media reports about West Bengal have generally been negative. There are many reasons for this, and the merits or demerits of those perceptions and arguments can be debated. But quite apart from the debates about land acquisition for industrialisation, there have been other accusations levelled by an increasingly strident and now more confident Opposition, about the various failures of the state government.

It is certainly true that despite some remarkable successes in land distribution, decentralisation and power to panchayats, and so on, various observers had identified lacklustre performance in health and education as major concerns.The good news is that this picture has changed, especially for health in the past decade. Recent data from the office of the Registrar-General of India, using the Sample Registration System (SRS), shows that West Bengal is now one of the best-performing states in the country in terms of the most basic health indicators.These show that the demographic transition in West Bengal has proceeded more rapidly than for India as a whole, and in a positive direction. In terms of both crude birth rates and crude death rates, the improvement has been significantly greater than for India as a whole, even though the state already had lower rates than the Indian average.
As a result, among the major states, West Bengal in 2008 had the fourth lowest birth rate (after Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Punjab) and the lowest death rate among the major states, even lower than that of Kerala. What is also noteworthy is that the state’s rural-urban gap appears to have been closing with respect to the death rate. In 2008, the rural death rate in West Bengal was 6.1 compared to the urban rate of 6.6 (a gap of 7.5 per cent), whereas for India as a whole it was eight in rural areas compared to 5.9 in urban areas (a gap of 26.2 per cent). Even Tamil Nadu, the state that has otherwise performed very well in health indicators, shows a rural-urban gap in the death rate of 23 per cent.
The infant mortality rate (IMR) — expressed as the ratio of the number of deaths of infants of one-year-old or less per 1,000 live births — is often regarded as the single most important indicator of overall health conditions in a particular area. The relatively rapid decline in IMRs in West Bengal (by 57 per cent, compared to the all-India average decline of 34 per cent) has made it one of the best performing among major states with respect to this indicator. The IMR in 2008 in West Bengal was 35, putting it in fourth position after Kerala, Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu. The rural-urban gap in the IMR has also improved, from 26 per cent in 1997 to 21 per cent in 2008, compared to the all-India gaps of 42 per cent in 1997 and 38 per cent in 2008.Further, throughout this period West Bengal has had a very low gender gap in IMR, thereby making it very different from several other states of the country.
This is also confirmed by other survey data — for example, the various rounds of the National Family Health Surveys (NFHS) have found the gender gap in IMR in West Bengal to be either the lowest or among the lowest in the country.The maternal mortality ratio (MMR) is the rate of maternal deaths per 100,000 live births among women aged 15-49 years. MMRs have been declining faster and are now lower in West Bengal (141) than the national average (264). The lifetime risk of maternal death (the probability that at least one woman of reproductive age of 15-49 years will die during or just after childbirth) was only 0.3 per cent in West Bengal in 2004-06, compared to 0.7 per cent for all-India and 0.2 per cent in the best-performing state, Kerala.Obviously, while these improvements are praiseworthy, there is still a long way to go in terms of improving even these basic health indicators.
The differences between West Bengal and the best performing state Kerala remain substantial, suggesting that appropriate policy interventions can continue to make significant improvements in these indicators.
But the question remains: what accounts for this recent improvement in health indicators, especially in relation to the rest of the country other than Tamil Nadu? A number of possible explanations can be considered.First, there has been a general improvement in institutional conditions, especially in the West Bengal countryside, in terms of the number of hospitals and health facilities and the increase in access of women to antenatal and post-natal services. This has been enabled not only by increased public expenditure in certain areas, but also by a programme of more decentralised public health delivery, with greater autonomy given to local and village health committees in terms of spending and care systems.
Thus, the NFHS have found that there was a gradual increase in the percentage of mothers who made at least three antenatal visits during their last birth in West Bengal, from 50.3 per cent in 1992-93 to 62.4 per cent in 2005-06. This compares favourably with the national averages, which were significantly lower.Second, since health is intimately related to both sanitation and nutrition, some improvement in both of these variables is also likely to have played a positive role. The extension of better sanitation facilities to rural areas has accelerated, even though overall these facilities still remain inadequate. It is likely that the improvement in both IMR and MMR has been most marked in those districts where the sanitation programme has been more successful.
Similarly, targeted schemes for maternal nutrition, implemented through the Integrated Child Development Services and other programmes, are also likely to have had positive impact.Clearly, therefore, there are signs of substantial progress in basic health indicators in West Bengal in recent years. The question of why these have gone largely unnoticed in both the national and the state-level media is of course an entirely different issue.

Development at Junglemahal: Reality vs Falsehood

By Meghnad Bhuian

“Junglemahal”, a word whose use is objected by some. Cloaked in the natural beauty & mystery of the jungle, its origin lies in the word ‘Junglemahaal’. A section of the people believes that this word should be banned as it was, for a long period of time, popularized by British imperialism.

Junglemahal comprises of parts of 5 districts in the western region of the state, larger chunks belonging to West Medinipur & Purulia, followed by Bankura. Bardhamaan & Birbhum have small contributions. In all, 74 blocks under the state’s development council for the western region, of which, 18 belong to W Medinipur, 20 to Purulia & 16 with Bankura. However, not all of these belong to the much talked disturbed region. The Maoists have not even set foot on all of these areas.

The areas plagued by the Maoist terrorism are parts of W Medinipur; Binpur-2(the hub being Belpahari), Binpur-1( Lalgarh), Shalboni, Jhargram, Garbeta-2( Goaltore), Aarsha, Balarampur, Bandowan, Bagmundi, Barabazaar in Purulia; Sarenga & Raniband in Bankura. This apart, Khairashol in Birbhum, parts of Manbazaar in Purulia, W Medinipur’s Gopiballavpur, Medinipur Sadar, Sankrail & some parts Nayagram in Medinipur are victims of the Maoist destructive agenda.

An oft repeated propaganda cites lack of development as the primary reason for the rise in influence of the Maoists. However, we need to appreciate the role of geography as the biggest hurdle; unfertile soil, uneven rough terrain. This region has only 55.45% fertile soil as opposed to the state average of 66.03%. Forests occupy 13.8% of the state, this western region, however, has 19.3%. Has less rainfall comparatively. Marginal workers comprise 8.05% across the state, while this region has an average of 35.7%. IIT Kharagpur, under the aegis of the state’s department of development for this western region has published a comprehensive report on this region, in Jan, 2007, citing 20 of the 74 blocks as being backward. The ones terrorized by the Maoists are Binpur-2, Bandowan, Bagmundi, Aarsha. On the other hand, blocks such as Sarenga, Sankrail, Goaltore, Medinipur Sadar, Jhargram are amongst the most developed. Therefore, the logic of non-development as a justification for terrorism, destruction & murder is a false one.

The real reason lies in the “Jungle” being at the center of the Maoist war strategy. They have chosen harsh terrain, mountains, forest-ridden regions for their so called ‘revolutionary agenda’. Also, it is their stated policy.

These locations, have primarily witnessed secret murders on account of the “revolutionary” activities of the Maoists. History is a witness to the fact that secret murders of individual terrorism had never reared its ugly head throughout the Chuad revolt, Munda uprising or the Indian freedom movements that followed in this Junglemahal area, the reason being social. Junglemahal has, primarily been organized, community based living being the established form. Protests, Resistance, festivals or even daily livelihood have all been united & community led. This harsh, un-fertile, forest ridden region of West Bengal has the essential character suitable to a communist movement. The falsehood of the middle-class, petty-bourgeoisie impulsive ‘annihilation’ has never made a mark in this forest region paved with Mahua & Shal. Pre & post-independence times have seen a series of movements led by the leftists, mostly by communists; struggle for land being at the core. The era of Naxalite delusion saw only a handful of villagers from a few pockets in Belpahari, Gopiballavpur, Jhargram, etc becoming workers or sympathisers of certain groupings of the Naxalites, but was never able to establish their tactic of secret murders in this region. Therefore, the Maoists have been completely wrong in their analysis of the situation from the very beginning. They have had to consistently retreat in Lalgarh & the credit doesn’t entirely go to the joint forces. The Maoists have not been able to get a safe haven in these villages, nestled deep in the hills & forests. The villagers are getting increasingly impatient for peace & want liberty from the blood drenched clutches of the Maoists.

Subject “Development”

Their current discomfiture has suddenly reminded the Maoists of ‘development’. That it is the Maoists & their fronts who create the roadblocks to development is increasingly becoming clear to people. It is also a desperate attempt at shoring up their image with the urbane intellectuals that development makes an entry into the destructive Maoist lexicon. There are some who, frustrated by the complete failure of the Naxalism, but unable to accept this truth, are taking up the pen again, having lived a good part of their lives in the safe confines of the city. They are trying to prove 2 things, 1) No development in this region for the last 34 years; 2) Maoists have apparently started off developmental work in the two blocks of Binpur since Nov, ’08.

What would this development be? Before we start judging this, we need to see the path that development has taken the last 34 yrs in these blocks of red Junglemahal. We should also parallely study the general Maoist position on all matters related to development & what the CPI(M)’s position has been on development?

The party program approved by the 9th congress of the Maoists, in 2007 says – no development is possible in the current structure of the state. Development is not a part of their political position. In fact, they consider even partial development, aimed at reducing the poverty of the poor & the exploited, to be a betrayal or revisionism of the revolution. Why, then are they raising this bogie of development? It is just a part of their political strategy. Like all the other bourgeoisie-capitalist parties & the media, they too want to establish, with this false propaganda, the left front having done nothing for the poor man.

The CPI (M) view on development, however, is completely clear. In his book, ‘Cynicism in the name of Maoism’, Comrade Anil Biswas has rightfully stated, “West Bengal is the foremost state in the entire country in matters of poverty alleviation & human development indices. The left front government has always advanced by establishing a clear difference in its policies vis-à-vis other parties. There is a fast growing disparity on economic, social & regional lines. How does one then fantasise that a left front government, just an oasis amidst this environment of extreme capitalism & liberalisation, can shield West Bengal from its disastrous affect. Parallely, CPI(M) in its 21st congress under the resolution of “ The Left front government & our work” has proposed, ‘ To expect a left front government, born out of democratic revolution to override the obvious reactionary effects of hyper-capitalism, & bring about socialism or even a left alternative is not in the realm of reality. The party will try creating & implementing the “Alternative Policy”, highlighted in the party manifesto & protecting the interests of the poor & the dispossessed sections of society to its fullest.

The left front government primary objective is to try protecting the interests of the weakest sections of the society in this hyper-capitalist environment. So is the perspective of development & the class direction! Therefore, by putting such a government into danger, making the CPI(M) the primary target of attack, what could be the possible revolutionary objective being achieved by the Maoists? In reality, they are disarming the weakest sections, which are battling the neo-liberal economic policies & imperialism.

What has been the role played by the Maoists on the subject of development? They have willfully destroyed government property one after the other, forgetting that these have been built with the common man’s money & for his development. Neither have they faltered in brutally beating up poor workers engaged in developmental work, in Kankrajhod, on 4th Dec, 2004, for their rasta-roko campaign. The govt, in Belpahari had taken the decision of creating a lake to enhance farming. The Maoists, betrayed their true element by even threatening the poor villagers to sabotage this. It is their terrorist obstruction which has prevented 20,000 pattas of land from being distributed in West Medinipur & Bankura forest regions. So much for speaking up for development!!

On this issue, let us once go back to Nov, 2008. On the 2nd of Nov, at Shalboni, the convoy carrying the Chief Minister, Buddhadev Bhattacharya, Union Steel minister, Ramvilas Paswan was exploded using an IED by the Maoists. While the Maoists have taken responsibility for this murderous attack, their new-found ally in the state, Trinamul’s leader, Mamata Banerjee curiously, dubbed this‘eyewash’. Right after this, from the 6th of Nov, they unleashed terror in 2 blocks of Binpur, Jhargram, Garbeta-1, Sarenga, Balarampur, etc; obstructed & even destroyed roads, gutted bridges, murderous attacks on CPI(M) workers & even their family & quite a few murders too. A resident of Aamlia village, Lalgarh, Trinamul leader Chattradhar Mahato became the spokesman of the newly created committee, “PCPA”, its main office in Lalgarh bordering Dalilpur Chowk in Shinjua panchayat.

This committee quickly announced its charter comprising 11 demands. These ranges from abrogating the conspiracy case against Shashadhar Mahato, stop police vigil from 5-6 pm, cancel all chargesheets against arrested Maoists since 1998 & other such demands to facilitate destruction. There is not a single one involving developmental issues! Thereafter, at a press conference at the Press club on the 29th of Jan, 2009, Chatradhar admits that they haven’t raised the issue of development in their movement since the 6th of Nov, their movement being primarily against exploitation & for democracy. Chatradhar, that day, with a fair bit of élan, had proclaimed, ‘it is not that the moment I ask for development, it will be given. It takes time’.

Surprising, this bogie of development is being brought up again to the forefront while discussing this region. This time too, it is both the Trinamul & the Maoists who, together are attempting to confuse the people of this region by harping on this issue. Reason, the imminent elections! Ravaged by cynicism, anarchy, the people of Jhargram in the last Lok Sabha elections returned the Left front candidate with a lead of 2 lacs, 92 thousand & 345 votes over the joint opposition. The left front won this LS constituency comprising the Binpur, Jhargram, Shalboni areas. Therefore, let’s raise the boogie of development again! Not just in the Junglemahal area, the attempt is to embroil the entire tribal population in the state. What chilling hypocrisy!

Land Reforms

It is imperative that we judge the overall development of this region, the principal point being land-relations. Land reforms have taken place in this state, though not ideal, something impossible in our country’s governance structure. However, by leveraging the provisions provided by the constitution, it was pushed to the hilt in Bengal. So far, more than 13.13 lac acres have been acquired in Bengal, off which 11 lac acres have been distributed. The rest have been stopped through litigation by vested interests, quite a few of them Trinamul leaders now, some workers. So much for “Change”.29lac, 85 thousand persons have received pattas of the land distributed so far, which includes about 11.1 lac from the scheduled classes. Adivasis have received 5.37 lac pattas. In Bengal, the scheduled classes & adivasis form 30% of the population whereas they have received 55% of the pattas distributed. Interestingly, Jadavpur Univ professor, Amit Bhattacharjee, curiously claims, in his article in the Economic & Political weekly that it was Charu Mazumdar who first raised the demand for total land reforms. He also goes on to allege that the distribution of land has not touched the Junglemahal area, including Lalgarh. But then, absolute land reform has been the primary demand of the Indian Communist movement from the very beginning. The CPI (M), born on 1964 led movements across numerous states in the country on this demand. Therefore, to ascribe this demand to a person, let alone the Naxals is completely erroneous.

It is under this situation that the Bengal Left front government has kept pushing the agenda of land distribution. Why just the left front government, this demand had set on fire the kishan movement across the state. Even then, the Naxal faction had dubbed this revisionist. Statistics prove that 8727 hectares have been declared excess by the state government in just the Binpur-1 block area, better known as the Lalgarh area now, about 7953 hectares + in Jhargram. The number of families covered by the land reforms here total 26,878. Garbeta-2 block, better known as the Goaltore area has seen an announcement of about an excess of 7051 hectares. Patta recipients number 20,666 families here. Shalboni has seen distribution of 10,439 hectares of land amongst 30,855 families, 1961 hectares in Gopiballavpur, 3680 hectares in Nayagram. 73% of the total land is in the possession of small & mid-sized farmers. As across the state, excess land has been distributed amongst the landless in this region.

Incidentally, the Yojana Commission in its report, in 2008, ‘ Development challenges in extremist affected areas’ has said that land distribution as per the land ceiling act in the states of West Bengal, Kerala & Maharashtra is unmatched across the country. It goes on to say “Acquisition of excess land as per the land ceiling has ceased in most parts of the country for the last 3 decades. It is as if there is no opportunity at all left in this regard.’ The only exceptions are West Bengal & Kerala. In this regard, it is important to mention the land distribution activity in the forest areas. It has been possible, so far, to distribute 18,360 pattas in these areas, resulting in the forest dwellers getting in excess of 8000 hectares. Currently, Maoist terrorism has resulted in a failure in granting about 20,000+ pattas. They need to accept responsibility. Development?

Development of Adivasis & West Bengal

5.5 % of the state’s population is Adivasi, totaling about 44 lacs, of which, according to the 2002 population survey, 22.24lac being male & 21.83 lac female.28% of Bengal’s planned expenditure is targeted at scheduled castes & tribes, out of which a disproportionate share, vis-à-vis their population is spent on Adivasis-7.9%. This is unmatched by most of the states in the country.

Nowhere in the country is there a pension plan for the tribal aged. Bengal has it. The aged, above 60 & living below the poverty line is supported by a pension in this state.1.21lac persons were covered by this scheme in the yr. 2008-09, provided with 750 rupees per month. It is being planned to enhance the coverage. All this funded by the state.Rs.16,50,256 was spent in Purulia on this scheme in the yr,08-09. This pension covers about 50,000 persons in the 3 districts of Purulia, Bankura & West Medinipur, at a total expense of Rs.48cr. While it has no plans to introducing this scheme across the country, the center has applauded the state govt. on this initiative.


The government has also focused on the task of spreading education amongst the tribals. Statistics show that, in 2008-09, Rs.5.05 cr was spent to enable 3.05 lac students to buy books & examination charges. Significantly, this scheme covered 15,352 students in the yr.77-78. 48000 students across 1395 colleges were provided with grants for hostel stay in the yr, 08-09, totaling Rs. 26 crs. In the yr, 07-08, 3.6 lac students were provided with Rs.1.72 crs for transportation to colleges. This scheme, providing transportation relief is unique across the country. This apart, 40,000 of the brightest students have been helped with Rs.45 lacs for higher studies. The subsidy for post-Madhyamik students in the scheduled castes & tribes is to the tune of Rs.10.71crs.The state’s 5 Eklavya colleges have 2100 students & the govt has spent Rs.3.6 crs on their education. Interestingly, the central govt provides only Rs.2.5 crs for building Eklavya colleges & our state government spends double that amount & creates the education infrastructure. Rs. 15 crs is being spent to build 5 Pandit Raghunath Murmu colleges.

The government has also put special focus on educating the Adivasi girl child. Amongst other blocks, Belpahari too has a residential girl school. It is important to mention the efforts of the govt in getting recognition for the Santhali language & its cirricullum. The cynics have pointed towards this, whereas it is the pressure of the left front which has forced the central govt to grant this recognition. It is in Goaltore, very close to Lalgarh, parts of which have been destabilized by the Maoist, where students of the Santhal Revolt centenary College are being taught in the Santhali medium. West Medinipur itself has 57 primary schools where the Alchiki script is taught. In order to further improve the study of & in this language, 1103 out of 1171 adivasi primary teachers have been provided training on the Alchiki script.

Well, that explains a certain letter which reaches the assembly. This letter has been sent by a school, Pandit Raghunath Murmu Memorial School, in the Ramgarh “Shaluka” of Lalgarh. This is a Santhali medium school. The villagers themselves had built this school. The managing committee of the school mostly comprises local leaders of Trinamul & Jharkhand parties. The same coalition rules over the panchayat too. This missive signed by the Panchayat Pradhan, A.N. Dule, member , Dukhi Soren & 9 other members says, “ The West Bengal government, on the 5th of July, 1979, gave recognition to the Alchiki script to aid studies in the Santhali language, approval no. W-311. The government took it further & by the yr. 1982-83, textbooks up to Class -5, in the Alchiki script, were printed…..” West Bengal is unique in this regard, across the entire country of India. The letter further states,”…It is with the intent of uplifting the education of the Santhali students that we teach this from Class-1 to Class-4.” Their demand in this letter lies ensconced right in the very center of the state govt’s policy. Significantly, apart from the 57 schools in West Medinipur, there are many such schools in Purulia, Bardhamaan & Bankura.

In tandem with education, employment programs have been executed too. Work education programs have been created for the Adivasi students of this state. 400 students have studied in Polytechnics in the yr. 2007-08 alone. The govt has also run numerous programs along with ATDC, CIL, TCPC. The Central govt has been forced to acknowledge the consistent development programs for the Adivasis, even providing a bonus of Rs.3 crs for the state. This part, the state has been leading in its endeavour to create self employment programs for the adivasis, deserving of special mention are the plans to strengthen the Adivasi woman. This scheme allows a Adivasi woman to do business with a capital of around Rs.20-25 thousand, 90% of which is given as a loan. This is provided by the state’s “Adivasi Unnayan Nigam”. The remaining 10% is provided by the state as a grant or a subsidy. West Bengal has 65% more than all the women across India who have benefited from this program, fiscal yrs. 06-07 & 07-08. These 2 yrs have seen more than19,000 benefit from this scheme, 55% of which lies in the three districts of Purulia, Bankura & West Medinipur. Interestingly, more than 80% of the loans taken in these 2 yrs have been repaid, unparalleled across the country. The central Adivasi development committee have come & conducted a detailed study of this success, post which not only have they praised the state’s role but also formally mentioned, by written communication, that Bengal should be the model for the entire country.


Now, specifically, the second program that began, solely for Adivasi women, is the subsidy for their self-help groups. Under the supervision of the state’s Adivasi development cooperative corporation, 3000 adivasi women self-help groups will be provided subsidy to strengthen production & promotion. A majority of these groups are based out of West Medinipur, Bankura & Purulia. Rs. 5 cr & 26.4 lacs will be spent on this account. It has been reported that work has already commenced. In Bankura, Medinipur, Purulia, there are 14 such blocks where the Adivasi population exceed 90%. These are named ITDP blocks. Small infrastructure projects such as roads, ditches, irrigation canals, culverts have been funded to the tune of Rs.13.1 crs in the yr., 2008-09. The state has plans of spending about Rs.10.14 crs on employment generation programs.

Recently, the state has embarked on another program, identifying, thru a comprehensive survey, all the adivasi farming families caught in a debt trap with local Mahajans. The pilot in Doars identified 41 such debt-ridden families & now the govt plans to extend the survey to all the 18 districts, esp., targeting the adivasi majority blocks, which wd be done first. However, special plans will be made for the Mao-terror affected & bloody region of Junglemahal.

We have seen significant progress in reaching clean drinking water to these 3 districts, characterized by an extremely dry terrain & a lack of water sources. It is worth mentioning here that, Amit Bhattacharya’s article which credits the Maoists for mini-development projects & installation of submersible pumps, is clearly based on ‘hearsay’. It wd be to his benefit to know that his data is completely false. He should know that prior to the Left front coming into power, not even 10% of the mouzas in this Junglemahal region had tube wells providing drinking water. Currently, there is not a single inhabited mouza without one. 69 irrigation schemes have been started. Thousands of fresh water wells have been dug. A Mahkuma hospital apart, 13 block health centers, 335 health sub-centers have been opened in Junglemahal. The number of beds has increased by 346. A 60 bed hospital is being built at Belpahari.3284 child health clinics have been instituted. Lakhs of people have benefited with these programs that provide care to pregnant mothers, the new born child & children up to 6 yrs of age. 90% of the homes have now constructed toilets, and health consciousness has grown. The mortality rates of pregnant women & babies have come down. Rs. 35.74 crs of money has been spent in the fiscal 08-09 to provide drinking water to these 3 districts. This year might see a spending of another 40 crs. This apart, the irrigation projects have an outlay of Rs.15 crs, just for this 3 districts. There are 30 schemes to bring water to villages through pipelines at Purulia, 51 in Bankura & 64 in W Medinipur. In all, 185 such schemes are benefitting 15.03 lac people, which comprises of 1.37lac adivasis. In all the 3 districts, all adivasi majority villages are being provided drinking by laying water pipes. The govt, in the last one year has provided drinking water to 2258 colleges.

In all the 3 districts the state has emphasized improvement in the nutrition available to children & the just born. There are 74 ICDS projects & 17,932 anganwadi centers in this region, covering about 10 lac, 54 thousand, 317 people.

In this period, these 3 districts have been given 776 kms of permanent roads, with another 274 kms being work in progress.

Under the Indira housing project, 29,970 families, living below the poverty line, have been provided with housing, by Dec 2009.The state has undertaken creation of another 15 thousand houses.

The 100 day work project – Obstacles & Progress

It seems that the Kishenjis have apparently initiated the “ Lalgarh rural employment guarantee scheme( Maoist)” at Lalgarh. Amit Bhattacharjee says so in his article. He apparently landed this nugget of wisdom in an English daily, dated 24th June, a page dedicated to the yr.2009. Shocking!? For people who do not believe in a parliamentary democracy, consider the country’s middle-class as petty bourgeoisie, how do they take as gospel reports of a commercially motivated newspaper dependant on ad dollars from greedy multinationals? This is an example of the depths ideological poverty could go to. However, the entire responsibility of the debilitating loss caused to the NREGA & 100 days work programs goes completely to the likes of Chatradhar Mahato & the Maoists. Inspite of such a negative ideology, on a whole, the outlay for the 100-day work program in Purulia has increased by 179% & work days have grown by 147%. This is a record! The progress in Bankura & West Medinipur is equally worth a mention. In all, the work days in this Junglemahal region this year has grown by 103%.

In Bankura, the adivasis have contributed to 20.24% of the gross workdays created, 24.99% in West Medinipur, 25.96% in Purulia. A recent report of the state govt says – firstly, in the case of the 100-day work program in West Medinipur, Rs.59.592crs has been spent till Dec, 2008. The amount spent from Jan, 2009 till Dec, 2009 has increased to Rs.117 crs, 51 lac & 4 thousand, the rate of growth being 97.19%. In this district the no of workdays (man days) have grown by 41 lac, 79 thousand, rate of growth being 84.87%. Bankura, in the same period has seen the expenditure increase from Rs.50.358 cr to Rs.90.298 crs, rate of growth – 79%. In Bankura, the man days have increased to 66.95 lacs, an increase of 94.79%. It has increased by 146.95% in Purulia, actual expenditure increasing from Rs. 25.11 crs to Rs. 70.19 cr, an increase of 179.57%.

The Adivasi cooperatives, Lamps are being used to facilitate these 100-day work programs. There are 63 such Lamps. The picture would be left incomplete without mentioning that quite a few pantheist in this region have not utilized this 100-day work program. The reason, the adivasi loving Maoist & their sympathizers! They have completely destroyed the atmosphere conducive to work. We can use a couple of panchayat samities for a comparison. Binpur-2 had only a couple of panchayats to avail of this 100-day work program, Binpur & Andharia, with 2731 workdays created last year, of which Andharia has only 5 days. Significantly, this panchayat is run by a Trinamul-Jharkhand party coalition. On the other hand, Binpur -2 panchayat samiti, better known as Belpahari, saw all its panchayats, with the exception of Bhulabheda, implement this program. In comparison with the Binpur-1,Lalgarh samities, the workdays created were much more – 68,150 days. While both these samities are plagued by Mao terrorism, it is important to note that the Belpahari area had a CPI (M) run panchayat samiti, having come into power after 20 long years. The CPI (M) workers have tried their best to keep the atmosphere conducive for executing this program.

Therefore, it is crystal clear that the Maoist point of view towards development is the extremely opposite to the CPI (M) efforts. This, unfortunately, is being exploited by the Trinamul leaders in places such as Lalgarh, garnished by the fantasies spun by a few Kolkata based Maoist websites egged on by intellectuals such as Amit Bhattacharjee.

In the subject of development, it is important to compare the other states of India with West Bengal. Since the Maoist & its sympathizers have repeatedly raise the bogie of Adivasi development in the Junglemahal region, let us see how a similar state, Jharkhand has fared. Jharkhand’s current chief minister, Shri Shibu Soren has always demanded the inclusion of the border areas on Bengal side to be merged with its western areas. The Maoists, with an ingeniously flawed logic have even supported this demand. But this sate which was built & known as one belonging to the adivasis doesn’t even have a department for adivasi development, 10 years since its birth. Numerous hunger related deaths have been reported every year since 2000, a single month of Nov-09 saw 20 deaths caused by hunger, which included 3 children. This is unimaginable in Bengal.

Bengal has 555 grain silos in the Adivasi region, none in Jharkhand. Neither do they have any plans. On the other hand, Bengal has further sanctioned another 500 such silos. Locations are being identified. An expenditure of Rs.2.5 crs will be incurred on this account, each costing about Rs.50k. Adivasi villages, during the cropping season, deposit a part of their output in these silos, to be used in times of low or bad yields. The last 4 years have seen the construction of 555 such silos, 250 of them coming up in the fiscal, 07-08 itself. As stated earlier, these help bridge the shortfall in agri output in the less-fertile regions of the state.

The idea of Jharkhand created its space in Indian politics by seeking a state for the indigenous Adivasi population. Yet, this very state, in its 10 yrs of existence, having had governments of all the national parties, has not seen a single piece of such infrastructure. The result being countless hunger-deaths! In 2008, 3 children died due to hunger in the Birhar colony, Jharnakund village in the Jhumari Talaiya block in Koderma. Bithahit, in Chatra district saw 9 people of the Bega tribe die due to hunger. There is nothing more pathetic than hunger-death in a country like India, but what takes the cake is the Shibu Soren government’s attempt to pass off all these deaths due to poisoning. However the committee, instituted to investigate these deaths, has clearly stated hunger as the reason. This apart, Jharkhand doesn’t come anywhere near to Bengal on parameters such as education, self-reliance, health of the adivasi people. Why then this Maoist chicanery?

But is all this enough? The CPI (M) does not think so. The state govt has identified 4612 villages which are languishing. The last year has seen a separate allocation of Rs.17 crs, apart from all the other schemes. But then, it is important to understand that comprehensive development is impossible in the current ultra-capitalist econo-political environment. For real sustainable development, a government which fundamentally identifies with the people is required, for which you need a fundamental change of the politics, the environment, right at the center, across the nation, not just a state. Well, as long as all this is reality, we communists have to keep fighting to protect & extend the limited means the poor can use & go ahead in life. In reality, these efforts of taking development ahead, whatever little is possible, along with the people, is actually in line with the objectives of class struggle. We want to grow our class-conscious actions. This is the reason why the CPI(M) continuous to identify the weakest areas, a sensibility developed by a clear understanding of the constraints of the current system. The imperialist-bourgeoisie refuses to work for the people even when there are opportunities, it is for the CPI(M) to take up these initiatives.

The Maoists clearly do not think so. The policy of keeping themselves & the people away from developmental work only strengthens the fundamental objectives of the ruling class. Why? Comrade Lenin’s analysis was – ‘The petty-bourgeoisie, driven by the madness of the horror named capitalism, is a social reality, a specialty, which like anarchy, exists in every country. The instability of such a revolution, its sterile nature & a tendency to quickly surrender, cynicism, fantasy & even petty-bourgeoisie whims & mad frenzy is known to all.

Tuesday, June 15, 2010

Left-ruled Governments' Budgets as Policy Alternatives to the Union Government Budget

By Subhanil Chowdhury


The Left-ruled governments of West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura are the bulwark of the left movement in the country. These governments even while working within the overall policy framework of a bourgeois landlord state and a neo-liberal setting, have been the fountain head of alternative pro-people policies aimed at ameliorating the conditions of the poor and the common man. These policies are in sharp contrast to the policy formulation of the UPA Government. We provide below a detailed exposition of these differences on the basis of comparative study of the budgets presented by the UPA Government and the three Left-ruled governments this year.[1]

Economic Policy Orientation of the UPA Government[2]

One of the defining feature of the economic policy of the UPA Government is its pro-rich stance. As a part of this overall policy direction, the total tax concession provided by the Government (in 2009-10) has been Rs 502299 crore, out of which tax concessions provided to the corporate sector amounts to Rs 79554 crore and to income tax payers the total concession is Rs 40929 crore. Additionally, another Rs 26000 crore tax concession has been provided to income tax payers in this year's budget. As a result of this pro-rich neo-liberal orientation of the UPA Government, inequality has increased tremendously in the country. The Arjun Sengupta Committee report has shown that 77% of the population live under Rs 20 per day. At the same time, India has one of the highest number of billionaires in the world.

On the face of such huge tax concession provided to the rich, the question is how does the government mobilize revenue? The Government has taken recourse to two alternative roads for mobilizing revenue even while providing huge tax concession to the rich. Firstly, in the current budget the Finance Minister has increased the excise and customs duties on a large number of products including petrol and diesel. This decision was taken even when the country has witnessed rising food price inflation of around 20% in December 2009 and even now the inflation rate for food items is around 17%. It is indeed a matter of shame that the government instead of providing relief to the poor writhing under high inflation has imposed further burden on the people. As a result, the inflation rate continues to be extremely high. This is the biggest failure of the UPA government in its one year of existence. Secondly, the government has taken recourse to disinvestment of Public Sector Units to mobilize resources worth Rs 40000 crore, announced in this year's budget. This brazen move towards privatization of the national assets is actually a double bonanza for the rich and the corporates. On the one hand they have been granted huge tax concession and now public assets will be sold to them, again opening up more profit opportunities for the corporates.

Amidst this overall pro-rich policies of the central government, the common man is facing untold miseries. Firstly, there exists the problem of persistently high inflation rate. This inflation on the one hand is a result of the drought last year and on the other hand it is also a result of continuous neglect of the agrarian sector of the economy. This neglect of the agrarian sector has not only resulted in the suicide of more than 200000 farmers in the country but also has slowed down the agriculture and food crop production growth rate. The government has done very little to address the crisis. In fact, public investment in agriculture has consistently declined from around 20% in 2004-05 to 17.6% in 2008-09.[3] Additionally, the government has stubbornly refused to ban future trading on essential commodities which is again a cause of high inflation in the country. With a negative growth rate in agriculture and massive food price inflation, the logical action on the part of the government would have been to increase the allocation for agriculture and food security. But in a brazen anti-people move, the government has cut down food subsidy by Rs 400 crore and fertilizer subsidy by Rs 3000 crore in this year's budget. It is clear that the government is not interested in serving the interests of the poor people in the country.

This overall policy orientation, as enumerated above, is essentially rooted in a belief on the 'trickle down' theory. According to this theory, what is important is that the economy should grow at a very fast pace. Even though, inequality might arise in the initial phase of the growth process, eventually the benefit of growth will 'trickle down' to the poorest of the poor. Therefore, the role of the government should only be of an “enabler” without directly interfering in the market. In other words, the market will automatically take care of the poor. The fact of the matter is that the trickle down theory is false both in theory as well as in actuality. This is because of the following reason.

The trickle down theory, as propounded by the UPA says that tax concessions and other benefits provided to the rich will result in more investment on their part which again will result in employment of the people leading to more income and hence less poverty. This is wrong at least for three different reasons. Firstly, it is not obvious that with higher tax concessions the rich will engage in productive investment. It might just be the case that the rich use up the given tax concessions for consuming luxuries by importing from abroad. Secondly, even if there is productive investment, the consumption pattern of the rich in order to emulate the lifestyle of the West invariably increases the labour productivity in the economy, thereby reducing the employment generating potential. Thirdly, it can be argued that with a higher growth rate, the government can distribute the gains better through fiscal interventions. This is again wrong because in the era of neo-liberalism, such interventions by the state is resisted by international finance capital. Additionally, the growth process under neo-liberalism expropriates marginalized sections of the population. For example, there can be higher growth rate of industrial production along with large scale expropriation of farmers to make room for SEZs.

Therefore, it is clear that relying on the market or a variety of the 'trickle down' theory cannot ameliorate the conditions of the poor in the country. In order to ensure benefits for the poor, it is important that the economic policies have a bottoms up approach where the centrepiece of the strategy becomes uplifting of the conditions of the poor. This is the approach that the Left-ruled state governments of Kerala, West Bengal and Tripura have adopted. We look into these policies in details below.

Policies of the Left-ruled States

The Left parties being the most consistent opponents of neo-liberalism have to devise policies which are in contravention to the policy regime of neo-liberalism even while working under the overall policy set up of the central government. The essential constituents of this alternative policy must be essentially two fold. Firstly, instead of relying on the mythical 'trickle down' theory, the left policies must be aimed at directly benefiting the poor. Secondly, policies of the left should try and protect the poor from the vagaries of the market. It is in this light that we analyze the policy orientation of the Left-ruled governments.

Price Rise and Food Security

On the face of rising food prices, the Union Government has taken no concrete steps to address the problem as yet. However, the Governments of Kerala and West Bengal has ensured that people belonging to BPL are provided with rice at Rs 2 per Kg. In West Bengal it is proposed that this scheme be extended to cover the lowest 20% of the population living above the poverty line. In Kerala too, the government disregarding the difference between the APL and BLP population has decided to distribute rice at Rs 2 per Kg to entire unorganized labourers in the agriculture, coir, cashew, handloom, beedi, bamboo, reed, khadi, small plantations and similar sectors . This is an exemplary step which will not only provide relief to large sections of the population from rising prices but will also curb the inflationary trends in these states.

With regard to food security, West Bengal has again come first in the area of rice production. This has been one of the most outstanding achievements of the Left Front government given the fact that on the eve of the Left Front Government coming to power in West Bengal, the state was suffering from agrarian impasse with large scale food shortages and famine like situation. Kerala however witnessed a decline in paddy production from 2000-01 to 2006-07 from 7.5 lakh tonnes to 6.4 lakh tonnes. This was a result of continuous decline in area under paddy cultivation from 8.8 lakh hectares in 1974-75 to 2.28 lakh hectares in 2007-08. The state government has taken a number of measures to ensure increase in area under paddy cultivation. This includes spending Rs 500 crore on paddy cultivation and soil and water conservation. At the same time, it is also proposed to provide interest free loans to farmers, crop insurance, using NREGA to convert waste land into arable land etc. Tripura has also achieved self-sufficiency in paddy cultivation with the government adopting new technologies and providing cheap credit to the agriculture sector.

Agriculture Development

In the din regarding the growth rates achieved in India, it is conveniently forgotten that agriculture even now provides the largest employment opportunities for the people. Therefore, improving the performance of the agriculture sector is intrinsically linked with the upliftment of the conditions of the people. It is a well known fact that the Governments of West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura have been exemplary in carrying out extensive land reforms in the state which paved a long way for their agricultural development. In this year's budget too, there has been substantial thrust on the agriculture sector contrary to the Union Government.

In West Bengal, for the improvement of productivity and employment in agriculture, irrigation has been given a lot or priority. The allocation for irrigation has been increased from Rs 209 crore last year to Rs 459 crore this year. This will go a long way in improving the irrigation facilities and increase the total irrigated area as a proportion of total agricultural area to 75%. This figure for India is 45%, which is significantly less than that of West Bengal. In addition to this, the government has decided to set up 134 bio-villages and seed villages to ensure access to bio-technology for agriculture. As a result of continued effort of the government in the agriculture sector, the growth rate of agriculture in West Bengal in 2009-10 was 4.2% while that of India was -0.2%.

In Kerala too emphasis has been given to the agriculture sector. It must be remembered that Kerala was the first state in the country to constitute a debt relief commission, including for fishermen. For fishermen alone, debt worth Rs 142 crore has been written off. Additionally, the government has emphasized on irrigation to improve agricultural productivity. Kerala has a huge cash crop sector which has faced crisis because of the global fluctuation of the agricultural commodities prices. The government has decided to protect these sectors in order to ensure that employment generation is not adversely affected and the farmers do not suffer from the volatility in the international agricultural commodity market. Unprecedented amount of government money have been invested in the sectors like coir and cashew to ensure that productivity is improved and these sectors remain immune from price volatility.

Tripura too, in spite of being a remote state has improved its agricultural performance. As already mentioned, self-sufficiency in paddy production has been achieved while sectors like horticulture, forests, etc are being promoted by the government to generate employment and income.

Employment

It is now a well known fact that as a result of the global financial crisis, there has been a large number of job losses in India. UNCTAD has estimated that there has been job loss of 13 lakh people in the year 2009-10 alone. However, the central government has taken no concrete steps to ensure that further job losses in the economy do not take place. It has also not tried to create more job opportunities for the people by going in for large scale investment. On the contrary, the government increased the allotment for NREGA by only Rs 1000 crore, which is actually no net reduction at all given the inflationary situation in the country.

In sharp contrast to the union government's apathy towards generating employment, the Left-ruled governments have initiated exceptional policies aimed at employment generation. Tripura was the first state in the country to announce an Urban Employment Guarantee Scheme in its 2009-10 budget. The governments of West Bengal and Kerala have also announced such Employment schemes for the urban poor in this year's budget. Such employment guarantee schemes will go a long way in uplifting the conditions of the urban poor in these states.

Social Security
The growth process under the aegis of neo-liberal globalization in India has resulted in growing informalization of the work force. Currently, only 7% of the workers belong to the formal sector while 93% belong to the informal/unorganized sector. These workers belong to the poor sections of the population. However, the Union Government has been reluctant to provide social security to these workers. While under the pressure of the Left, the UPA-I enacted a Social Security Act, it was limited only to the BPL population and the Government provided no financial backing for implementing the Act thereby reducing the Act to mere lip service.

In sharp contrast to the apathy shown by UPA government, on the question of providing adequate social security benefits to the workers in the unorganized sector, the Left ruled states of Kerala, West Bengal and Tripura, have provided exemplary social security benefits to the workers.

The NCEUS report on Informal workers social security (2006) categorically states, “As regards statutory provisions [with regard to social security], Kerala leads all other states with the available figures indicating that the large number of Welfare Funds currently being implemented have covered 54 per cent of the informal workers in the State.”

Even in this year's budget the Kerala government has provided substantial social security to the unorganized workers. As has been already mentioned Rs 2 per Kg rice will be provided to the families of all unorganized workers. Moreover, pension and insurance benefits will be provided to the old, widow and unemployed. Moreover, for the first time in the country a fund has been created for the benefit of the migrant workers coming into the state. The government has provided a grant of Rs 10 crore for this purpose.

In West Bengal, the first provident fund scheme for unorganized workers was started in the year 2000-01. Now, it is planned to extend the scheme to 44 new categories of workers including rickshaw pullers, hawkers, cobblers, porters, auto-rickshaw drivers etc. This scheme has also been linked with the health insurance scheme of the central government. Financial assistance has been provided to the workers of closed tea gardens and factories the amount for which has been increased from Rs 750 per head per month to Rs 1500 per head per month.

In Tripura too, pension schemes have been announced for widows, blind persons, bidi workers, etc.

Restructuring of Public Sector Units

It has been a policy stance of the UPA Government that there will be disinvestment of Public Sector Units. This is nothing short of handing over national assets to private corporates for a song. The UPA has provided a distorted logic that the public will be allowed to own shares of these companies. It is a travesty of truth that public assets are being sold to the corporates in the name of the same public. This move on the part of the UPA will meet with resistance by the Left parties.

At the same time, the government of Kerala has shown a remarkable turn around with respect to the performance of the Public Sector Units. The Public Sector which was making a loss of Rs 70 crore in 2005-06 is expected to make a profit of Rs 200 crore in 2009-10. Moreover 8 Public Sector Units will be started with an investment of Rs 125 crore. This is indeed a remarkable achievement on the part of the Kerala government. The turn around of the Kerala Public Sector from being loss making to profit making is mainly a result of government policy whereby major restructuring of the management of these units were undertaken while settlement of dues of banks and financial institutions were undertaken. Additionally a strong budgetary support on the part of the LDF government to the tune of Rs 210 crore in 4 years[4] ensured that the PSUs were in a path towards recovery. This is the alternative model of revitalizing the PSUs as shown by the Left parties.

In West Bengal too, there have been initiatives on the part of the government to restructure and revitalize the PSUs. The process of revitalization has been completed for 4 PSU's, while for 7 more the process is under implementation. With central and state government assistance, out of 16 closed tea gardens, 8 have been re-opened.

Thus, the Left-ruled states far from selling off the PSUs have been actively engaged in terms of revitalizing them.

Taxation

The bulk of the tax revenue in the country accrue to the Central Government. It has been a long standing demand of the state governments that 50% of the central tax revenue be given to the states. The 13th Finance Commission has rejected this demand and has granted only 32% of total central tax revenue to the state governments. Additionally, stringent conditions have been imposed on the state governments to implement FRBM Act to be eligible for various concessions from the Central Government. The Left has been opposed to such high-handedness in distributing central tax revenue and has consistently demanded more power to the states on these matters. On the face of these anti-state government measures of the centre, all the states including Kerala, West Bengal and Tripura are facing severe financial difficulties. Even then, the tax proposals of these states show their commitment for the poor and the common people.


It must be remembered that the state governments cannot collect direct taxes. This falls under the purview of the central government, where the centre is giving huge tax concessions. The state governments collect VAT and certain sales tax, which are indirect taxes. Even in collecting these taxes there is a pro-people orientation. For example, in West Bengal, Kerala or Tripura the items which are used mainly by the common people (like sugar) or those items which are employment intensive have been provided concessions in terms of full relief or partial relief from VAT. However, luxury items like expensive hotel rooms, restaurants, wines and other alcoholic beverages, expensive cars etc are taxed substantially to generate the requisite tax revenue.

Conclusion

From the foregoing it is amply clear that the economic policies adopted by the Left ruled states cater to the needs of the poor. These policies are in contravention to the policies of neo-liberal trickle down variety and take the improvement of the common people as the cornerstone. At the same time these policies provide relief to the people from the volatilities of the market forces. Undoubtedly, the state governments have to function within their limitations. However, the alternative policy stance of these three Left-ruled governments only show that alternatives to the policy dispensation is indeed possible and should be fought for.
Footnotes:

[1] The Government of Tripura has not presented their budget yet. All references to the budget of Tripura is with regard to the Budget 2009-10
[2] All data for the central government and state governments are quoted from Budget Documents
[3] Economic Survey, 2009-10
[4] Kerala PSU's: Demonstrating the Alternative Path by K. Gopa Kumar, published at www.pragoti.org http://pragoti.org/node/3937#attachments