Showing posts with label 2008. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 2008. Show all posts

Sunday, October 26, 2008

Singur Package---- Balancing Industry and Agriculture

by Nilotpal Basu

Singur and West Bengal has come back to hog the headlines in the mainstream media once again; and, of course, for all the wrong reasons. The irresistible leader of Trinamool Congress Ms. Mamta Banerjee in her crusade against the Nano Auto Project of the Tatas had created a situation where the very future of the project has come to be threatened. Why this controversy? Ms. Banerjee's extremely disparate array of political groupings – from various hues of naxalites, SUCI and a small group of expelled CPI(M) functionaries and anti-industry environmentalists and foreign-funded NGOs of Medha Patkar variety – of course, under the redoubtable leadership of Ms. Banerjee – have asked for return of land acquired by the government of West Bengal for the project.
That such a demand has no factual or legal backing is a different proposition altogether. The demand for returning 400 acres of land out of the 1000 acres in itself is inexplicable. Because, though the Land Acquisition Act of 1894 does not provide for the acceptance of the land owners, the West Bengal government – given its political orientation had in course of the acquisition process asked the people for their opinion. And, 80 per cent of the people had actually not only given their consent but also accepted the cheques for compensation involving about 70 per cent of the land. Actually, land for which cheques have not been taken because of unwillingness amounts to only one-fourth of the project area. In terms of numbers, about 9,000 people of the 11,000 odd who were supposed to collect cheques have done so.
Therefore, it is clear that despite there being no legal requirement, overwhelming majority of the land losers in Singur are in favour of the car plant. But the issue is not one of legality. That there can be no defence for the archaic 1894 Act is a foregone conclusion. But so long as the law is not replaced by the Parliament enshrining the rights of those whose land will be acquired with pronounced emphasis on rehabilitation and alternative livelihood security in the statutes– state governments have no other alternative but to acquire land on the basis of the current law. But despite that, there can be an alternative approach marked with compassion and sensitivity. With the Singur land acquisition that is precisely what has happened. The Singur rehabilitation package saw for the first time an attempt to provide compensation not merely in financial terms.
The original package took into account prevailing market rates for calculating the compensation with an additional premium. But the unique feature was the inclusion of both recorded and unrecorded sharecroppers who did not have any proprietary rights on the land. They were offered 25 per cent of the amount that was offered to the landowners. Not only that, the state government also undertook a major training programme to upgrade skill of people – mostly young people – from the displaced families to enable them for possible employment both direct and indirect. The other component of the package included formation of cooperatives, syndicates and self help groups, which were involved in the construction phase and providing services. But even such a package did not satisfy the opposition. In spite of repeated appeals of the state government, Ms. Banerjee-led opposition was not keen on discussing the contentious issues and concerns of those who were not supportive of the project. Instead, there was a dharna which ultimately turned out to be a period of severe disruption with the project area being blockaded despite an assurance to the contrary.
The dharna also spilled over to the adjoining national highway creating a massive traffic disruption for over a week where even essential drugs and food supply was threatened. It is this disruption which has been widely reported in the mainstream media. And, it is this which led the Tatas to declare suspension of work since their executives and workers were being threatened and physically harmed. The Nano for reasons of its abnormally low price is being seen not only as a `wonder' car in the country but also has raised curiosity in different parts of the world. Naturally, the disruption and the threat of an eventual abandoning of the project in Singur drew widespread public attention. Normally, one would have expected a bloody confrontation between the government and the opposition. But in spite of the gravest provocation, the government held back despite the fact that their position had been earlier endorsed by judicial scrutiny by a division bench. Because, the government's point was to demonstrate that it was not against the peasantry as had been sought to be made out by the opposition and the anti-Left corporate media. So while remaining firm to have the car project implemented in the interests of employment generation, the government was always prepared to go the extra mile to further address the requirements of rehabilitation and alternative livelihood creation for the project-affected. Could it have been otherwise?
The West Bengal government is the only state government which continues with land redistribution for the landless when the semblance of even tokenism of the programme has come to a standstill in all other parts of the country. In the last three years, 10,000 acres each have been redistributed every year. Consistent with that approach, even though the opposition refused to accept a negotiated settlement and was evidently trying to undermine the integrated nature of the automobile plant together with the ancillary units by demanding return of land which would undermine the project as such and the agreement of the state government with the investor – the government even after the Governor facilitated talks failed, have come out with an additional rehabilitation package. The highlight of the package is return of some land from within the project area together with an enhancement of the compensation amount as well as specific provision for agricultural workers and sharecroppers.
Added to this is the offer of assured employment for one from every family of the land losers. Going beyond the specificities of Singur, the developments in Bengal are actually bringing the focus of discourse on how to balance the interests of agriculture and industry. In situations where for building industry the necessity of converting agricultural land becomes inevitable, facts must speak for themselves. The displaced must be convinced at the end of the day that it is going to result in an improved alternative livelihood and not marginalization. The current initiative is indeed pointing towards such a course of development.

Wednesday, September 10, 2008

Agreement between Tata Motors Ltd., Government of West Bengal and WBIDC

1. Tata Motors Ltd. (TML) was intending to set up a manufacturing Plant for
Automobile Products including “Tata Small Car” to manufacture 250,000 cars
per annum on 2 shift basis which could be expanded to 350,000 on 3 shift basis.
In addition, it would have several Vendors and act as a mother plant for many
aggregates to tune of 500,000 cars. In this connection, TML was considering
locating the plant in the States of Uttarakhand/ Himachal Pradesh in view of the
fiscal incentive package for the rapid industrialization being made available by
the Govt. of India to new Industries in these States which has been attracting a
large number of industries to these States.

The incentive package in Uttarakhand/Himachal Pradesh consists of:-

(a) 100% exemption from Excise Duty for 10 years.
(b) 100% exemption from Corporate Income Tax for first 5 years and 30%
exemption from Corporate Income Tax for next 5 years.



2. The Government of West Bengal (GoWB) is keen to take appropriate steps
for rapid industrialization in West Bengal and in this connection wanted to
attract some major Automobile Projects to the State. The Government of
West Bengal approached TML to persuade them to locate an Automobile
Project including the project to manufacture “Tata Small Car” in West
Bengal. TML showed interest in locating the plant in West Bengal, provided
the State gave Fiscal incentive equivalent to the value of total incentives it
would have received by locating the plant in Uttarakhand / Himachal Pradesh.
GoWB offered to match the financial incentives in equivalent terms and
invited TML to set up the Small Car plant in West Bengal entailing
investment of over Rs. 1500 crores by TML. In addition, Vendors supporting
the project are likely to make further investment of over Rs. 500 crores.


3. Since then numerous discussions have been held and based on this
understanding, GoWB proceeded with identification of various lands for this
mega project. Land of approximately 1000 acres chosen in P. S. Singur of
District Hooghly was finalized with TML. West Bengal Industrial
Development Corporation Ltd. (WBIDC) commenced the process of
acquisition of this land. The process was completed with the Declaration of
Award under Section 11 of the Land Acquisition Act, and thereafter WBIDC
has obtained mutation of ownership in its name in the Record-of-Rights, and
conversion of usage of the land from agriculture to factory.


4. WBIDC is in possession of 997.11 acres of land, which has been acquired
under the Land Acquisition Act. Out of this, an area admeasuring 645.67
acres will be leased to TML for setting up the Automobile Project including
the small car plant, while an area admeasuring 290 acres will be leased to the
vendors to this Automobile Project approved by TML (ancillary and
component manufacturing units), 14.33 acres will be handed over by WBIDC
to WBSEB only for construction of 220/132/33 KV substation and the
balance admeasuring 47.11 acres will be used by WBIDC for rehabilitation
activities for the needy families amongst the Project affected persons.



5. The terms of lease to TML for the 645.67 acres of land for the mother plant
are described below. In addition, WBIDC will provide on lease 290 acres of
land to the Vendors selected and approved by TML on payment of Premium
equal to the actual cost of acquisition plus incidentals, to be calculated on the
basis of the total acquisition cost and other incidental expenses expended by
WBIDC or any of its subsidiaries (duly certified by its auditor) averaged over
the total land acquired. The lease rental payable per year per acre by the
vendors will be Rs. 8000/- per acre for the first 45 (forty five) years and
Rs. 16000/- per acre for the next 45 (forty five) years. The initial lease tenure
will be 90 years. On expiry of 90 years, the lease terms will be fixed on
mutually agreed terms at that point of time.


6. The parties also discussed mutually to finalise the package of incentives
required in order to enable GoWB to fulfill its commitment to match in
equivalent financial terms the fiscal incentive foregone by TML in
Uttarakhand. The Net Present Value (NPV) computation of benefits that the
project would have received in Uttarakhand is attached in Annexure I which
is agreed to by all the parties. Sample computation of benefits in West Bengal
with stated assumptions is given in Annexure II which is accepted by all
parties as agreed basis of computation. The NPV is calculated @ 11%.



7. Accordingly, it is finally agreed, in supersession of all previous decisions and
agreements in this regard, that for this mega project, the fiscal incentives
under Industrial Promotion Assistance in terms of the West Bengal Incentive
Scheme (WBIS 2004), assistance towards land cost and interest subsidy in the
form of a loan against a quantum of the term loan to be taken by TML for this
project will be offered by GoWB as follows:-

(a) WBIDC will provide Industrial Promotion Assistance in the form of a
Loan to TML at 0.1% interest per annum for amounts equal to gross VAT
and CST received by GoWB in each of the previous years ended 31st
March on sale of “Tata Small Car” from the date of commencement of
sales of the small car. This benefit will continue till the balance amount of
the Uttarakhand benefit (after deducting the amount as stated in para 7b
and 7c below) is reached on net present value basis, after which it shall be
discontinued. The loan with interest will be repayable in annual
installments starting from 31st year of commencement of sale from the
plant. The loan availed in the first year will be repaid in the 31st year and
the loan availed in the 2nd year will be repaid in the 32nd year and so on.
WBIDC will ensure that the loan under this head is paid within 60 days of
the close of the previous year (on 31st March) failing which WBIDC will
be liable to compensate TML for the financial inconvenience caused @
1.5 times the bank rate prevailing at the time on the amount due for the
period of such delay.

TML & GoWB will make best efforts to maximize sale of products from
the “Small Car Plant” in the State of West Bengal.


(b) WBIDC will provide 645.67 acres of Land to Tata Motors Ltd on a 90
year lease, on an annual lease rental of Rs. 1 crore per year for first 5
years with an increase @ 25% after every 5 years till 30 years. On expiry
of 30 years, the lease rental will be fixed at Rs. 5 crores per year, with an
increase @ 30% after every 10 years till the 60th year. On the expiry of 60
years, the lease rental will be fixed at Rs. 20 crores per year, which will
remain unchanged till the 90th year. On expiry of 90 years the lease terms
will be fixed on mutually agreed terms at that point of time. The benefit
on account of land would be calculated as the total land area leased out to
TML multiplied by the cost of acquisition calculated in the manner as
provided in para 5 less NPV of rent payable during 60 years.

(c) The West Bengal Govt. will provide to TML a loan of Rs. 200 crores
bearing @ 1% interest per year repayable in 5 equal annual installments
starting from the 21st year from the date of disbursement of loan. This
loan will be disbursed within 60 days of signing of this Agreement.

(d) The West Bengal Government will provide Electricity for the project at
Rs. 3/- per KWH. In case of more than Rs. 0.25 per KWH increase in
tariff in every block of five years, the Government will provide relief
through additional compensation to neutralize such additional increase.

8. It is also agreed that the computation of the comparison of benefits in
Annexure I and II will be changed if there are any changes in the rates
of excise duty and corporate income tax during the next 10 years.


www.wbidc.com

Wednesday, July 30, 2008

BUDDHADEB BHATTACHARJEE ON WEST BENGAL LF GOVT COMPLETES 31 YEARS IN OFFICE


'We Must Clearly Spell Out Our Policy Of
Land Acquisition & Rehabilitation': Buddhadeb


West Bengal chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee recently spoke to Ganashakti on a variety of developmental issues that are reflected in the policies of the Left Front government. During the course of the interview given on the occasion of Left Front government completing 31 years in office, Buddhadeb also commented on the Darjeeling developments.

Special successes

The focal point of success of the Bengal Left Front government is the regime of redistributive land reforms because of which the rural poor is in possession of land parcels of varying sizes. The success has been achieved through a series of hard struggles and not merely through administrative regulations. The work of the administration also comprised the physical transfer of land rights in the shape of patta deeds to the rural poor and the landless.

Around 84 per cent of the total mass of agricultural land (amounting to 1.35 crore acres) is in the hands of the rural poor. There has also been the setting up and the running of panchayati raj institutions. The panchayats could be organised and run by the rural people because the land belongs to them now. This has in turn influenced the great success we have had in agricultural production. We lead the country in terms of producing rice, jute, potato, vegetables, fruits, flowers etc.

On the opposition to industrialisation

We gave a slogan that we shall consolidate our successes in agriculture and on that foundation shall build up industries. This was done as part of the pre-election call in 2006. Certainly, the people had agreed to the implicational content of the slogan that we raised. Nevertheless, the transition was never an easy task. We frankly expected opposition to be forthcoming as a compulsion from those whose land would be transferred. Thus, the task now is that we clear up further the issues affecting land acquisition and rehabilitation.

Consensus on the issue of development

The task of land reforms and transfer of land to the kisans and the rural poor was certainly done based on the widest possible consensus. The consensus was available because the programme was of anti-zamindar character and was also an exercise in democracy. However, on the issue of private capital that is connected with the process of industrialisation (we do not have any viable alternative to this) a confusion has been created amongst the ranks of the opposition parties, the LF constituents, and even amongst a section of the mass of the people.

At the same time, there is consensus in that everybody would say that they, too, would like to welcome industrialisation, and that they do not stand opposed to it. The debate is principally built up around the mode and method adopted. We have to reach a consensus here through discussion. We are fully seized of the indecision that the LF constituents are affected by on the question of private capital, big capital, and capital of the MNCs.

On the confusion among the poor

The orientation and direction of every programme of the LF government is towards the welfare of the working people who are poor. This is our major difference with other state governments.
We have always held that the Left alternatives of the Left Front government comprise:

* Land reforms, panchayati institutions etc
*Industrialisation aimed at increase of employment, with emphasis on the manufacturing sector and on the small and middle-level industries
*Total literacy, total health, self-help groups, social security especially for unorganised workers etc

These are the directions of our programmes. It is true nonetheless that despite all this, we are not able to reach out to every section of the poor. The state government, the panchayati raj bodies, the municipalities, and especially the Party must specially look to this on a basis of urgency.

On the reduction of mass support

We are presently in the midst of going about a comprehensive review of the results of the rural polls. The preliminary review has revealed that there are several common reasons why our support was eroded where it did. These include, for example, weaknesses of the Party and the mass organisations, the disunity amongst LF constituent partners, the weakness of our campaign against the propaganda of the opposition, and above all, the spread of a baseless fear on the issue of land acquisition. We have to discuss thoroughly all these issues before fixing our next steps.

Darjeeling issue

We have to proceed with great caution and patience in dealing with the Darjeeling problem for the issue is very sensitive and is also connected with the question of nationality. A political solution must be found through discussions. We can and shall remain, solidly bonded together - the people of the hills and the people of the plains.


The basic pre-condition of development is peace and amity. The avenues of discussion with the leadership of the Darjeeling agitation must be kept open. We have kept the union government aware of the issue on behalf of the state LF government. The resolution of the issue, as we have said, must be forthcoming through an amicable discourse.


PEOPLE’S DEMOCRACY, June 29 , 2008

BIMAN BASU ON BENGAL LF GOVT COMPLETES 31 YEARS IN OFFICE


Forward To A Much Closer Relationship With Masses


Biman Basu


THE Bengal Left Front government has stepped step into its 32nd year of pro-people, especially pro-poor existence. The precise date is June 21 and this is an important landmark this year for a rather different reason. I shall explain the 'reasons why' I say this.


Earlier in the year in May, the panchayat general elections were held in Bengal as per schedule. The flow of political events and developments that fulminated around the rural polls, however, were certainly a bit different from what had happened on similar occasions in the past.


We admit that during each of the rural elections held earlier, the compromise / understanding amongst Left Front constituents in the matter of 'adjustments' of seats is never finalised fully and comprehensively. This year was unique in a different way. First, the actual number of seats mostly at the level of the Gram Panchayats (GP), and less so at the other two tiers of Panchayat Samity (PS) and Zillah Parishad (ZP), had gone down.


This set up a regime of ground-level difficulties to some extent in the formation of a deep understanding amongst the Left Front constituents. Second, there did develop with persistence some political difference among the LF parties. As a result, the work of election campaign based on the consensually-adopted electoral manifesto of the LF faced some amount of impediment.
On the other hand, a strange 'cocktail' (if I may use the term) was mixed up to serve as the 'Bengal opposition' comprising the whole range of forces - from the extreme right to those on the sectarian left and almost everything in between, including forces of religious fundamentalism.


There was a conscious effort on the part of some of the opposition constituents to ensure that there was a one-against-one electoral fight for as many seats as possible, come the rural polls.
The strategy of 'one-against-one' did not quite succeed at the level of the ZP. Nevertheless, some amount of success in this matter could be chalked up in two other layers of the Panchayati structure. The opposition may not have had enough of popular support. Nonetheless, they could utilise to the hilt, in a desperate move, the lack of understanding at the electoral level amongst the LF constituents enough to mark up successes.


STRENGTHENING LEFT UNITY


We have been fully seized of the situational reality. We have commenced right away the task of ameliorating the differences amongst the LF partners at the level of the districts as also to an extent at the state level. Meetings of the Left Front in the post-election situation have resolved that we must consolidate the agricultural achievements of Bengal, widen the arena of cropping, go in for more diversification - and continue with the policy of industrialisation.


Industries cannot very well be set up in the sky or produced in a vacuum. Thus, we must succeed in earning the trust and the confidence of the people of the area where such industries would be set up. In other words, we have to exert prudence and go forth without an undue rush in the task of identifying the industrial zones and implementing the policy of industrialisation.
Every constituent partner who goes to make up the Left Front must understand and realise the manner in which the principal opposition outfit and other opposition entities have based their anti-LF and anti-LF government campaign on fictitious tales, utter lies, and vile slandering. What led a section of the people to misunderstand the situational reality is the nature of lie campaign of the opposition to bolster which they even produced a plethora of CDs and had these widely distributed and put on show.


We have in the past heard of large sums of money being spent by the bourgeois parties during elections. We witnessed such an occurrence in Bengal this year during the rural polls.


Thus, what we have to do, all the Left Front constituents including our Party, is to keep in mind the experience of setting up rural governance in Bengal, and become involved in a wide programme aimed at building up an even more intimate relationship with the rural masses than at present. We must be also concerned in the endeavour to brighten our image by becoming a part-and-parcel of the daily lives and livelihoods, the sorrows and the happiness of the rural masses.


We must get over our faults and weaknesses and must never be self-satisfied at winning 13 of the 17 ZPs contested. Perhaps there is not a single district where the leadership has become self-satisfied. We have already commenced a serious analysis-and-review of the results of the panchayat elections. When the exercise is completed, we shall draw the correct lessons from it, and we shall bring about changes in our style of functioning as appropriate.


REACTIONARY FORCES PLAN


As the Left Front steps into its 32nd year we must not let slip from our consciousness even for a moment that the forces of reaction here and abroad do not want that the CPI(M)-led Left Front government in Bengal - the forward outpost of democratic movements of the country - implement its programme with success. Especially those who want to compromise India's national interests by acceding to the India-US nuclear agreement cannot digest or tolerate the fact that a large bulk of MPs representing the Left in the parliament are from Bengal.


That is the reason why these unholy forces would not hesitate to resort to various opportunistic tactics to weaken the support base of the Left amongst the people of Bengal. Former US ambassador to India, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, has noted in his book, A Dangerous Place, that the US administration interfered twice in Indian political developments. Once by pouring in funds once to pull down the EMS Namboodiripad-led first Communist government on the country in Kerala in 1959, and again to curtail the strength of the communists in Bengal in 1971. Who knows that someone else may not write in the future about how funds were put in place through a variety of tactical moves via an array of institutions of various forms and norms, to chip away at the vigour of the communists and the Left in Bengal.


In all probability, very many foreign agencies and forces have joined in the merriment of the forces of reaction in the country at the creating of a kind of rift within the Bengal Left Front. The agitation now organised by Gurung's outfit in Darjeeling is a repeat of the same by Ghising's GNLF in the 1980s. When Jyoti Basu the then Bengal chief minister had convened an all-party meeting for resolution of the Darjeeling issue in 1986-1986, he would not invite the GNLF because the latter was not a political party. No questions were raised then.


Yet, some questions were in the offing when the present Bengal chief minister Buddhadeb convened an all-party meeting, and not invited the GJM precisely for the same reason. The principal opposition party absented itself from the meeting. Can anyone in his right mind think that these developments are spontaneous and are taking place without a conspiratorial background?


We have to keep in mind all the while that the Left Front has been in office for over three decades - a very long time. Those who had only seen the Left Front government in action while growing up did not have the opportunity to compare this pro-people government with the anti-people functioning of the governments that were in office earlier and which represented the forces of reaction.


LF GOVT SUCCESSES


The newer generation cannot know that during those dangerous years, there was an intense shortage of food, and strongly-organised food movements took place every year as the people's protest, and faced repression of the worst kind. It is very important to make the newer generation aware of the role of land reforms and agrarian development under the Left Front government that has led to the tangible success achieved in the field of agriculture.
How would the new generation, again, be aware of the fact that there had been in place earlier a policy that squeezed out rather than expand the scope and field of education. Whatever the drawback of the present health delivery system, can anyone deny the fact that the health services have had a wide expansion and that 70 per cent of the people receive treatment from government-run hospitals and health centres - something simply unimaginable earlier?


The media would make a huge brouhaha, conflate, and run as a principal theme any small mishap or unfortunate slip-up that might occur in the health delivery system. How can they compare the thousands of deaths earlier for lack of health facilities, and the present attempt to establish sad exceptions as the main subject to be headlined, again, and again! The present generation might well think that the newer precedence being set in the task of lessening of delivery death and the curing of sick children through proper scientific treatment under the LF governance had always been there. There is not enough publicity given to the programmes put in place for the nutritive growth of the mother and the child. The LF government has also succeeded in ensuring the supply of potable drinking water across Bengal.


In a word, not everyone is equally aware of the drive of the Left Front government towards improvement of the human development index. It is very important to organise a wide publicity campaign of the precedence-making work of the Bengal Left Front government in the light of, for example, Gunnar Myrdal's classical work, the Asian Drama, especially the chapter headed as the 'Poverty Challenge in India,' and the commentary of Dr Amartya Sen made from time-to-time on the human development index in general in India.


I have highlighted a few indices of successes, tangible, proven successes. Nevertheless, this must not be taken to construe the fact that we have not committed errors and mistakes during this long and struggling existence of over 30 years. We need to identify the real mistakes that we have committed, and we must correct them and prove thereby our transparency to the mass of the people of Bengal.


Instead of striving to display how transparent we are, it would be a much better alternative, I believe, to prove through action how we do function with transparency. This must be established in the hearts-and-minds of the people. We recall all the time that the society we evolve in contains filth, lust, and hankering. The main line of thinking appears to be that 'think only about yourself as an individual - there is really no need to spare even a moment for the country, for the people, and for the society.'


The people who observe the reality through a class perspective and who think and ponder about the exploited, the downtrodden, and the poor, are gradually straying on the fringe of minority. We cannot ignore the set of men and women who have seats of comfort atop ivory towers, spill occasionally a few good words posing as the friends of the immiserised and impoverished people, and argue fiercely in favour of a society based on the immutable laws of merciless exploitation.
Thus, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and the Left Front must pledge, in the whole range from the leadership to the workers, to make themselves part of the process to be more and more acceptable to the people. In order to achieve success in this line of tasks, we must not allow ourselves to be victims of the process of thinking that 'we understand everything, and it devolves on us to convince the people.' Our duty is to learn from the people. An appropriate ambience must be built up for this to be a reality.


We must take a solemn pledge as the Left Front and the Left Front government enter the 32nd year, that we have associated ourselves in the political process not for our own sake but for the sake and interest of the people and the nation. Thus, we need to shun all forms of egoistic thinking and behaviour, eschew self-importance, and win over the hearts-and-minds of the working class, the working people, and all sections of the poor through engaging them in conversational discourses in their daily struggles for existence, and proceed towards the greater tasks that lie ahead.


PEOPLE’S DEMOCRACY, June 29 , 2008

Thursday, July 24, 2008

Left Governance in Bengal: The Prize and the Price

Sakyajit Bhattacharya
Created 2008-06-15 18:14


There have been some debates and discussions about the role of the government and a communist party after the election setback in panchayat. This article tries to explore the issue, not as an isolated subject in post 2000 period, but as a continuum from the 1964 policy formulation of the CPI (M).

In this context we should not forget that protecting the Left Front government is itself part of the class struggle. Having to tackle bourgeois landlord state oppression and capitalist aggression all over the country, the party as well as the government formed by the party must play an exemplary role of an alternative social structure, because such a government could offer an alternative to the bourgeois-landlord ruling coalition at the centre, challenging the whole basis of the ruling classes' consensus on economy and policy represented by the present regime in power in the centre. It must be a pro-poor/ people's government, and hence protecting the government also means protection of the interests of the oppressed class. That has been the understanding of the party for long now.

The CPI (M) had visualised the possibility of forming governments at the state level which would be challenging the class policy of the bourgeois-landlord governments at the Centre. Here is the much discussed article 112 of the party programme in 1964:

The Party will obviously have to work out various interim slogans in order to meet the requirements of a rapidly changing political situation. Even while keeping before the people the task of dislodging the present ruling classes and establishing a new democratic state and government based on the firm alliance of the working class and peasantry, the Party will utilize all the opportunities that present themselves of bringing into existence governments pledged to carry out a modest programme of giving immediate relief to the people. The formation of such governments will give a great fillip to the revolutionary movement of the working people and thus help the process of building the democratic front. It, however, would not solve the economic and political problems of the nation in any fundamental manner. The Party, therefore, will continue to educate the mass of the people on the need for replacing the present bourgeois-landlord state and government headed by the big bourgeoisie, even while utilizing all opportunities for forming such governments of a transitional character which give immediate relief to the people and thus strengthen the mass movement. (Author’s emphasis)

The party acknowledged the government to be a transitional one and admitted that the government will not solve all fundamental economic and political problems. For that, we have to walk in the path of extra parliamentary struggle.

But the idea somewhat changed with the possibility of forming a new government in West Bengal in 1967. In 1967 the CPI (M) CC, in a report named ‘New Situations and New Tasks’ once again emphasized the possibilities and limitations of these governments. It was mentioned that:

Our ministries, without either entertaining undue illusions about giving relief in a big way, or courting despair that nothing can be done under the present set-up, should always bear in mind that they as the Party's representatives, should strive to tender our bonafides to the people. Any failure on this score compromises the Party's political line in the eyes of the people; adversely affects the independent mobilization of the people, and their activities; and all this in turn, will not help us to resist and overcome the vacillations, wobbling and sometimes even possible backsliding of some democratic parties in the UFs and their respective governments. In a word, the UF governments that we have now are to be treated and understood as instruments of struggle in the hands of our people, more than as governments that actually possess adequate power that can materially and substantially give relief to the people. In clear class terms, our Party's participation in such government is one specific form of struggle to win more and more people, and more and more allies for the proletariat and its allies in the struggle for the cause of People's Democracy and at a later stage for Socialism.
(Author’s emphasis)

Here the party formulated a twin struggle against the rightwing elements within the party who were under the illusion that relief could solve all existing political and economic problems and the ultra-left elements that utterly dismissed the idea of treading the parliamentary path.

Also, the party differed significantly from its 1964 formulation by acknowledging the role of the government as not only giving relief, but playing as an instrument of struggle in the hand of the oppressed people. So, relief, though the main and immediate task, is not the only purpose of the government. The long-term task is to further the struggle of PDR.

Now, what should be the party’s standpoint regarding a left government that emerges under its leadership? In Namboodiripad’s words:

These should, on the other hand, be seen as a stage in the process of the further intensification of the conflict between the mass of the people headed by the working class on the one hand and the ruling classes symbolized by the Congress government at the Centre on the other. There is no question of the ruling classes permitting the 'peaceful replacement' of their regime by a new popular democratic regime. The only question is the method through which the ruling classes would try to subvert the popular democratic governments. Marxist- Leninists should therefore carry on a simultaneous struggle both against the negative attitude to the struggle on the parliamentary arena as well as against the illusions of a 'smooth and peaceful' advance through the parliamentary path disseminated by right opportunism. (Chile and the Parliamentary Road to Socialism, 1973)

The insufficiency of the relief programme has always been stressed. The CPI (M) made it clear that relief can’t be a permanent solution to the existing problems, and the communists must pursue the extra-parliamentary struggle towards the goal of PDR.

But still, the party decided to join the government in 1977. The common understanding was that the government won’t last long due to the conspiracy of the bourgeois-landlord ruling class. The bitter experience of the two Namboodiripad governments in Kerala and Juktafront (United Front) was still recent. In the internal period, the task was to popularize the government as much as possible through the relief programme so that people could have an idea about an alternative system. People could have an idea of how oppression by the semi-capitalist semi-feudal state structure can be toned down by the relief activities carried by a Leftist government. It would not be the permanent solution, but a populist approach that remained a path not experimented by other bourgeois governments.
Even in the seventies, the party was not sure about forming a government and about the longevity of the government even if they were formed. Namboodiripad, in the above article, time and again drew parallels between the experience of Chile, of Allende, and his own experience in Kerala and concluded that an elected leftist government had high possibility of being bought down by the ruling class conspiracy. B.T Ranadive, in 1978, expressed his opinion that the bourgeois ruling class will never voluntarily hand over power, and if communists come into government without changing the semi feudal structure, the ruling class will positively put all its effort to topple the government (Carrillo’s “Eurocommunism and the State”, 1978). The general understanding, even after the formation of the left front government, was that the government will be short-lived, and so the party quite logically stressed on the task of providing the oppressed masses as much relief as it could with its limited power and tenure in the government. The understanding remained unchanged in the first few years of the Left Front government in West Bengal.

But the apprehensions of the communists were refuted by the people of West Bengal. The Left government remained in power for years. Each election was won with landslide margins, and the relief activities became so popular, especially in rural areas, that the opposition parties went on to become organizationally demobilized through the popular appeal of the Left Front government policies. Land redistribution programme, especially Operation Barga, and the restructuring of the Panchayat Raj, helped the government to concretise its position almost permanently in rural Bengal.

This might be looked upon as not only a story of immense success, but also a source of ideological problem. If mere relief activities can help the party stay in the government for years, then what is the need to talk of PDR, of extra-parliamentary activities? The party was now in a dilemma: it did not, for a single time, deny the necessity of PDR. But at the same time, relief proved to be a sustainable path to form an alternative system that was hoped to serve an exemplary role to the oppressed masses of the country. The party talked so much about the insufficiency of relief, about why relief or such kind of ‘transitional’ governments can’t bring the real solution-and now the relief showed to be sustainable, at least with regard to the vote bank, and the government perhaps remained no more transitional.

As a rational being, the party went on combining the path of relief with left-democratic governance within the existing set up. It acknowledged that relief was insufficient to solve the basic socioeconomic problems, and at the same time went to explore more and more the possibilities of gaining peoples’ support by left governance, even within this existing system and with limited power.
This was perhaps best described by Jyoti Basu in 1985:

The Left Front government in the state of West Bengal has limited powers. It has to operate within a capitalist federal economy. The constitution, contrary to federal principles, does not provide for the needed powers for the states and we suffer from a special disability because the union government is ill disposed towards our government. In such a situation, we have been explaining to the people why we cannot bring about fundamental changes even though the ideology and character of our government are different from those that characterize the government at the Centre. But we do hold that by forming the government through election it is possible for us to rule in a manner which is distinctly better and more democratic than the way followed by the Congress party at the centre and in many other States. It is also possible to give relief to the people, particularly the deprived section, through the minimum programme adopted by the Left Front. We have been attempting to do so by motivating the people and enlisting their support and sympathy. Our objective is to raise their political consciousness along with giving them relief so that they can distinguish between truth and falsehood and friends and enemies, and realize the alternative path which will free them from the shackles of Capitalism and Feudalism and usher in a new modern progressive society…..The left and democratic state governments can help and expedite this process even with their limited powers. It is with such a perspective and objective that we are functioning in West Bengal.
(Left Front Government’s Industrial Policy: Some Aspects, 1985)

So, there had been a fine shift from the 1964 stand. Twenty years ago a ‘modest’ relief programme was thought of which was admitted to not solve the basic problems. In 1967, the party document made the allusion of the feasibility of doing something ‘more’ than relief. In 1985, though relief was still looked upon as insufficient, it is admitted that state governments can do a considerable work in order to expedite the task of PDR. It is not only relief, but educating people so that they can identify the real danger and struggle to make a progressive society. While in 1964 the aim was to popularize the government within limited time span, the vision now widened. The relief is seen to be sustainable and the government is seen to be a powerful weapon to bolster the mass movement, even within the bourgeois-landlord structure, because now the government was not transitional anymore. Other factors were the hostile nature of the Centre and the discriminatory policies which made the government explain more and more to the people the odds against an elected left government. The common understanding prevailing was that the current set up and the bourgeois ruling class will block the activities of a left democratic government though there is much scope for development works (a significant shift from the 1964 formulation).

Time went by, a whole new neo-liberal arena opened up for the country, the one party dictatorship in the Centre went to oblivion, but still the Left Front continued its regime in West Bengal. Huge mass popularity, along with concrete organizational force and weak opposition, helped the government to continue its popular relief policy. But after 2000, the party programme aimed at something more than relief or task of PDR. It acknowledged the huge achievement of the Left Front government and admitted that an exemplary alternative social system can be formed even within the existing structure that will serve as a lighthouse to the toiling mass in the ocean of capitalistic and feudalistic repression.
The huge success story of the government made the following change in the party programme:

the Party will utilise the opportunities that present themselves of bringing into existence governments pledged to carry out a programme of providing relief to the people and strive to project and implement alternative policies within the existing limitations. The formation of such governments will strengthen the revolutionary movement of the working people and thus help the process of building the people’s democratic front. It, however, would not solve the economic and political problems of the nation in any fundamental manner. The Party, therefore, will continue to educate the mass of the people on the need for replacing the present bourgeois-landlord State and government headed by the big bourgeoisie even while utilising opportunities for forming such governments in the states or the Centre, depending on the concrete situation, and thus strengthen the mass movement.
(Change is shown in Italics)

So, the party now envisioned a left democratic alternative which is more than relief, or at least projected to be.

The problem is what task this alternative government will carry on. Can it set up any alternative structure in the existing set up, or any alternative social system? Within this bourgeois landlord set up and more so in the neo liberal arena, the state governments have very limited power to go in the path of human development. What a Left Front government can do at best is to consolidate the relief programme and strengthen the mass movement. It is only relief that can be possible within this existing structure. Without an entire change in the system no alternative governance can be set up. If a Left government is there, it would then go with mere alternative ways of relief which would popularize the party more and more, but it is certainly not an alternative set up.

The problem lies here. If we talk about alternative government in the current set up, we basically recognize the sustainability of the relief programme, (might be in some alternative way). The party, in post 2000 period, is perhaps not considering relief as a transitional phase (very natural formulation, because the government is no more transitional!!). Rather, through alternative governance, the party now theorizes the possibility of remaining in the government for a long term. That might be problematic. As long as we know that relief is transitional (1964 formulation) and so is the government, it is the path of revolution, through extra parliamentary struggle, that remains with us while the scope of relief gradually decreases in this neo-liberal regime. We could then explain to people that relief can’t ultimately solve the basic problems. It is the PDR that is the only solution.

But once we formulate that the immediate task is to remain in the government and thus make an alternative government, we in fact recognize the permanency of relief. The reality that relief is bound to fail is denied. No explanation on the ultimate fruitlessness of relief is floated in the grass root, and the realization of this fruitlessness in lower level is gradually lost. This is evident even in the party documents where no mention about the transitional character and ultimate failure of such state governments in the existing set up, which would compel the mass along the path of PDR, is penned down. The realization that protecting the Left Front government is itself a day to day class struggle for the interest of PDR, not for the interest of remaining in power or mere relief, is lost in the lower strata of the party.

The idea of relief has also changed significantly. In the first half of the Left Front governance, relief was something that was related to a regime better and more democratic than the Congress rule, as apparent from Jyoti Basu’s speech. But later, the idea was transformed in providing a human solution to the suffering of the masses under the neo liberal policies. The common idea is that there is no alternative of the New Economic Policy imposed by the Centre, but the Left government can work out a human face of the big capital which will provide the toiling mass limited relief. The TINA (There Is No Alternative) mentality is now deeply connected with the idea of alternative government. Previously, the alternative seemed to be the path of PDR when the transitional relief programme failed. But since the permanence of relief is given legitimacy, now the idea is how to work out a humane solution of the neo-liberal structure, without changing it.

Therefore, when big capital sharpens its aggression, no radical alternative comes out. The government goes on with consolidating relief which proves to be insufficient in the face of neo-liberal attack. A surrendering policy then becomes dominant in the entire socio-political sector, and the TINA (There Is No Alternative) mentality becomes triumphant. Then the government has to walk down the same path of the neo-liberal industrialization dictated by big capital. The mere difference lies in making it more human, more sensitive to the peoples’ cause. But no radical policy of rejecting the path and working out for some alternative policy comes out.

It is the task of the party, not the government, to be much more cautious in directing the government to educate people in identifying the basic problems. The Communist Party, we believe, will be ultimate victorious in the struggle of poor peoples’ quest for a better society. It is the duty of the CPI (M), as the vanguard of the proletariats, to aim its directives towards PDR and to not, at any rate, deviate from this goal. The Left government led by the CPI (M) is an instrument in the hand of poor people. The party must not sacrifice this powerful character. Each election, each path of the extra parliamentary struggle is a necessary stone in the path of PDR, a class struggle. The very essence of this class struggle must not be sacrificed.

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Thursday, July 3, 2008

DOCUMENT: Left Front Government, Panchayats, Municipalities and Our Tasks



COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA (MARXIST)

22ND WEST BENGAL STATE CONFERENCE

13-17TH JANUARY, 2008, KOLKATA



Adopted Document:

Left Front Government, Panchayats, Municipalities and Our Tasks



1.1In two successive State conferences held in 2002 (20th) and 2005 (21st), two documents on ‘Left Front Government and Our Tasks’ were adopted. The sixth and the seventh (since 2006) Left Front governments have tried to run the Government on the basis of the guidelines provided in these documents.


1.2In the context of the policies of economic liberalization pursued by the Centre and the experience of running three Left led State governments in that backdrop, the 18th Party Congress unanimously adopted a document on some policy issues after detailed discussions, providing broad guidelines for the policy direction of the present Left Front governments. This has helped to unify the entire Party. Discussions and political classes on these documents have been organized at all levels of the Party.

1.3The massive success of the Left Front in the 14th Assembly elections held in June 2006 vindicated the policy direction of the Left Front government and the positive impact it had in eliciting mass support. The fact that the masses repose deep faith in this programme of the Left Front government, even after being in office for 29 years, was undoubtedly proven by the victory of the Left Front in 235 seats by securing 50.18% of the votes, with the CPI (M) winning absolute majority.

1.4Therefore there is no reason to change the policy direction laid down in the above-mentioned documents. Neither is there any need to reiterate the content of those documents. What is required is an evaluation of the experience of running the LEFT FRONT government over the past three years.

1.5 The 20th state conference had expressed deep concern about the financial health of the state government. Due to the financial crunch faced by the state government, public expenditure had to be curtailed, which adversely affected some welfare programmes. There have been some positive changes in this regard. Plan expenditure, which had fallen to Rs. 2500 crore in 2003-04, increased to Rs. 6877 crore in 2005-06 and further to over Rs. 8000 crore in the current financial year. But there is no room for complacency. The basic issue of a skewed distribution of revenues between the Centre and the States remains unresolved. Huge investments are required in social sectors such as education, health and safe drinking water and infrastructure areas like power, roads and irrigation. In the context of economic liberalization policies being pursued by the Central Government, it has become even more important to increase expenditure on social sectors in order to protect the weaker sections of the population. The Centre has not accepted the proposal of the West Bengal government to reduce the debt burden of the state. Consequently, huge debt and interest burden continue to be important problems. The Centre is also trying to impose conditionalities through various schemes in areas, which fall under the purview of the states, which is against the principles of federalism. Economic liberalization is leading to the erosion of the autonomy of the state government in newer ways. The issue of Centre-state relations therefore deserves serious attention.

1.6 The average growth of State Domestic Product for the period 2001 to 2006 was 7.3%, which was well above the national average of 6.71% for the same period. While the entire country is suffering from an agrarian crisis, agricultural growth in West Bengal was 3.2%, which was also above the national average. In West Bengal, the share of agriculture in SDP is 24%. Despite several natural calamities, the production of rice has reached 144 lakh metric tonnes, potato 77 lakh metric tonnes and vegetables 117 lakh metric tonnes. The production of mango, litchi, pineapple, flowers, etc. has also increased significantly during the recent period. There is marked progress in fish production and animal husbandry. Faced with a deep crisis in agriculture and due to the consistent pressure of the Left Parties, the Centre has been forced to increase Plan allocations for agriculture and allied activities in the Eleventh Five-year Plan. In order to reap its benefits, Planning for agriculture at the district levels is necessary. Overall development of agriculture is an important task for the future. It is evident that land reforms and panchayati raj have contributed immensely to the development of agriculture in the state. Besides consolidating the success, importance was laid on increasing agricultural production, crop diversification and expansion of the market. While there has been some progress in this regard, much remains to be done. We have not been able to remove the weakness in supplying seeds of improved quality by using seed farms. Noteworthy weaknesses continue to remain in storage and marketing of agricultural commodities, especially the perishable commodities. Keeping in mind the interest of the peasantry, it would not be correct to deny the role of private capital and new technology in warehousing and agricultural marketing. There is a need to move in this direction, without losing sight of the possible adverse consequences on employment and sustaining government control as much as possible. A Commission on Agriculture has been constituted in order to come out with specific proposals for the future, which is yet to submit its report.

1.7 The last two state conferences emphasized the need to increase industrial investments in order to generate employment. With the objective of increasing employment opportunities, greater initiatives towards industrialization were called for on the basis of the industrial policy document of the Left Front government adopted in 1994. West Bengal has always had a significant share of small and tiny enterprises in the country. According to latest data (July 05-June 06), the number of unorganized small manufacturing units in the state is 27,50,000, which is the highest in the country and accounts for 15.08% of the total number of such units nationwide. The share of workers in this sector is 15%. However, the state had been lagging behind in terms of large and medium enterprises. After consistent efforts, there has been significant progress in this regard. At present the share of industry in SDP is 21% and the annual rate of growth of this sector is around 12-12.5%. The growth in manufacturing, services and construction is 9%, 12% and 20% respectively. During the period 1991-2006, the state ranked third in terms of total investments. According to ASSOCHAM, around Rs. 1,84,000 crores would be invested in the state in various sectors. West Bengal has emerged as a front ranking state in terms of large and medium enterprises. Besides the IT sector, the state government had laid emphasis on manufac-turing and agro-based industries. There have been noteworthy successes in this regard, which has helped generate new employment opportunities. While new industries are coming up, crisis persists in the traditional labour-intensive industries. Many of the large industries continue to remain sick or closed. Jute industry continues to face crisis and many of the tea gardens in North Bengal continue to remain closed. The state government has taken some initiatives to reopen some of the tea gardens. In recent times, revival of IISCO in Burnpur-Kulti, and reopening of Dunlop were noteworthy events. Efforts are on to restart MAMC and the fertilizer factory in Durgapur.

1.8 New proposals for establishing large industries have naturally increased the demand for land and infrastructure. Because of the high population density in West Bengal, per capita endowment of land happens to be low. Most of the land is under agricultural use and as a result of the progress in agriculture intensity of cultivation is also relatively high. Since small, marginal and middle peasants in the state own 84% of the land, the process of acquisition of land for industry and infrastructure is a complex as well as sensitive issue. In the recent past, the opposition has consistently tried to isolate the Left Front government, especially the CPI (M), from the peasantry, using this sensitive issue. Land acquisition for building industry, infrastructure etc. has taken place in the past. But we never faced such resistance to development on the question of land. In order to carry forward the programme of development, this issue should be satisfactorily resolved. The fear among the peasantry of losing their land has to be addressed in a serious manner. Although the amount of land required for industries and infrastructure is meager compared to the total amount of land and cultivated area in the state, the matter needs to be considered with seriousness. Besides ensuring adequate compensation, specific planning is required for alternative sources of income for families whose land is being acquired. The local people need to be involved in the process of land acquisition and fixing the compensation amount. Confidence has to be generated among the local people regarding the positive economic and social benefits of the projects for which land is being acquired.These tasks are not only administrative but also political.

1.9 Caution is also required in changing land use for the purpose of industry. Priority should be given to setting up of industries on relatively less fertile land. The Left Front government has already taken steps in this regard. Large industries are mainly being set up on relatively less fertile land not suitable for agriculture, in the regions of West Midnapore, Bankura, Purulia, Asansol, Durgapur and Birbhum. However, all types of industries cannot be set up in these regions. The Haldia industrial region needs to be expanded in order to take advantage of the port facility. Similarly, there are possibilities to build a large industrial region in and around Siliguri and Jalpaiguri in North-Bengal. Large areas in and around Kolkata, North and South 24-Parganas, Howrah and Hoogly are traditional industrial belts. These areas are most suitable for technology intensive manufacturing and IT industries. Urbanization is also high in these areas. Large-scale transfer of agricultural land is taking place in these areas in response to market forces. The government has to take planned measures in this regard. Besides, initiatives are underway to develop industries centering around Kalyani in the Nadia district. Overall, besides the development of 6 large industrial regions in the state, initiatives need to be taken in order to develop at least one industrial zone in every district, which will provide all facilities for setting up small and medium enterprises.

1.10 There is debate regarding the setting up of SEZs. We have opposed the unbridled proliferation of SEZs across the country resulting from the en masse approvals granted by the Central government. The Party has categorically conveyed its opposition to the current SEZ policy to the Central government, with regard to the total number of SEZs, minimum and maximum area under SEZs, land-use within SEZs and the huge tax concessions that have been granted. However, no change in Central policy has occurred so far. In this backdrop, if we are not able to set up SEZs in our state, not only would we lose out in the cut-throat competition to attract investments in export-oriented industries, but also suffer in terms of the eventual sickness and closure of the existing export-oriented industries in the state. This cannot be allowed to happen. Therefore, within the compulsions arising out of the present situation, we have to set up some sector-specific SEZs that will not require much land, and some multi-product SEZs keeping in mind the need for balanced development in the state. However, at least 50% of the land must be used for industrial purposes in these SEZs.

1.11 A lot of debate has recently been generated in the state, centering on the implementation of the decisions adopted in the last two conferences. Since the adoption of the industrial policy of 1994, the state government has been making efforts to attract both domestic and foreign investments over the past decade. In the initial stage, although new investments started flowing in under the changed circumstances at the international, national and state level, the quantum of that inflow was quite low. Barring a few exceptions, most of the new investments took place in the small and medium sectors. Over the last few years the situation has changed fast. Huge amounts of new investments have started coming in industrial and infrastructural sectors. The possibility of becoming an industry-driven economy from an agriculture-driven one emerged in the state. Naturally, the status quoist forces were hit hard in the process. A dilemma is being faced across the society between uncertainties and apprehensions on the one hand and newer possibilities on the other. While not directly opposing industrialization, the arguments and facts that are being presented by a section, reflects a status-quoist mindset. The CPI (M), as a party of the working class, has to face the situation courageously. In the present situation, while continuing to ceaselessly struggle against the negative aspects of capitalism with the goal of eventually ending it, we have to use all the opportunities of industrial development for the interest of the working people and the future generation.

1.12 The aim of development is it in agriculture or in industry is to enhance the income and living standards of the poor working people. While economic-social-regional inequalities cannot be eliminated within the present social system, more improvement can be brought about in human development. If adequate attention is not paid to the spheres of education, health, provision of drinking water and nutrition, the class orientation of our work is bound to get disrupted. The documents of the past two conferences had categorically mentioned this aspect. It was stated that highest priority should be given to the formation of Self-Help Groups, Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, Sanitation Campaign, expansion of preventive healthcare system and improvement in the quality of education. There is some progress in this regard during this period. Presently, the total number of SHGs in the state is around 6 lakhs, involving 60 lakh persons, 90% of whom are women. Enrollment of children in the 5-8 years age group in primary schools has increased from 88% in the year 2001-02 to about 99%. The share of girl students is about 50%. Mid-day meals are provided in most of the schools located in the rural areas. The drop out rate has also declined from 33% to 20% during this period. However, despite the increase in the number of students, weakness in providing proper infrastructure and improved quality of education is quite evident. Importance of vocational-education has increased in the context of industrialization. While the state is doing well in terms of life expectancy, child mortality and birth rate compared to the overall situation in the country, one or two States are doing even better than us in this regard. Despite development of infrastructure in the health sector, weaknesses remain in the quality of health services. Malnutrition among women and children remains a matter of great concern. Besides poverty, backward consciousness, gender discri-mination, child marriage etc. are also creating hindrances. The NSS report shows that as against the national trend, the number of unemployed decreased in the state by 6.5 lakhs during the period 1999-2000 to 2003-04. Wages for agricultural labourers and unorganized industrial workers have increased to some extent. While the government has taken some important steps to provide social security to these workers, weaknesses still remain in its planned implementation. According to the Planning Commission, the percentage of people living below the poverty line has declined in the state from 27.02% (2004-05) to 20.5%. However, the poverty estimates of the Central government are flawed and there cannot be any room for complacency with regard to the spread and intensity of poverty in the state. The importance of considering the fight against poverty as a political struggle in order to achieve human development is not being appreciated at every level. Our negligence or weaknesses in this regard will only help the reactionary conspiracy of alienating the poorer sections in urban and rural areas from us. In today’s circumstances and given the nature of the political attacks we are facing, this task has assumed immense importance.

1.13 The CPI (M) has all along demanded the strengthening of the PDS and supplying 14 essential commodities at uniform prices across the country. The PDS has been gradually weakened following the adoption of policies of economic liberalization by the Central government. The allotment of foodgrains in the PDS has declined and the prices have been increased. The faulty parameters adopted to estimate poverty have only intensified the division within the rural poor. Although we have opposed this, the state government has to continue to abide by the directives laid down by the Central government in this regard. In the recent period, some political forces have tried take advantage of the genuine grievances of the people regarding the weaknesses in the PDS to channelise it into undemocratic and violent directions. The reasons behind the unrest over the PDS were: curtailment of allocation of rice and wheat for the APL category, rise in wheat prices in the open market and the consequent shortage in the PDS which arose when those who usually do not opt for the PDS went to purchase wheat in the ration shops. Several incidents of violence against the ration dealers and looting occurred in different parts of the state. The weaknesses in the PDS in the state have also been revealed through such incidents. Rather than ignoring the matter, effective steps have to be taken to identify and remove the weaknesses in the PDS, to the extent possible in the present situation. Political initiative has to be undertaken to activate the PDS monitoring committees in the rural areas. The PDS has to be run as transparently as possible.

1.14 The demand for electricity has increased immensely in the rural areas in recent times. The government had set a target of providing electricity in every mouza by 2007 and to every household by 2011. However, the extent to which this target would be fulfilled remains doubtful. According to current data, electricity is at present available to 87% of the mouzas. But people want electricity to reach every household, which has not been met so far. We can recall that in the first phase of the Rajiv Gandhi Electrification Project (a Central government project), out of 37910 mouzas in the state, 6656 mouzas were not electrified. If we consider electrification of 10% of the household as a benchmark, then till now 1200 mouzas, i.e. 3.14% are not electrified. It is expected that this work would be completed within the next 2-3 months. For the second phase, the fund allocation by the Central government is meager compared to the requirement. The Central government’s promise and announcement in this regard has not been met in terms of actual fund allocation. The state government had submitted a proposal of 80,000 projects in order to carry forward intensive electrification in 33,000 mouzas to the Central government a year ago. But the Central government has not sanctioned it yet. If the state government has to undertake this project out of its own limited resources, it is better to undertake a limited number of projects in order to electrify entire mouzas. The Central government would not provide any funds for these in future. In this situation, the government is considering the implementation of some projects on a priority basis in the most backward regions, as identified by the Zilla Parishads. It should be kept in mind that implementing 10 such projects requires a sum of about Rs. 1 crore. The present Central government has not kept its promise of reviewing the harmful Electricity Act enacted during the NDA rule. Neither have they taken any effective step towards rural electrification. People have to be made aware of the true picture since anti-Left forces are trying to raise this issue against us by twisting the real facts. The state government also needs to be more careful in this regard.

1.15 Administrative weaknesses impede the implementation of pro-people policies of the state government. A section at all levels of the administration displays a serious lack of accountability. The last election manifesto of the Left Front promised to undertake administrative reforms in order to impart greater transparency and efficiency in administrative functioning in keeping with the changing times. The first cabinet meeting of the seventh Left Front government decided to constitute a committee on administrative reforms headed by the Chief Secretary. There has not been any noteworthy progress in this regard. Problems related to the appointment of appropriate staff/officers in important posts remain. The administrative infrastructure at the panchayat level has not kept pace with the increased responsibility on the panchayats. As a result, in many cases project implementation is impeded, not due to lack of funds but administrative weakness. Administration is especially weak in the relatively backward regions of the state and as a result government intervention is not yielding desired results. On the basis of our basic understanding of the state, it can be said that it is very difficult to fully implement the pro-people policies and priorities of the state government and translate the political will of the party through such an administration. It is for this reason that we have laid emphasis on raising mass consciousness and undertaking mass initiatives while running the government over the last thirty years. Both inside the Party and as well as within the administration, there is serious lack of consciousness against bureaucratization. A status quoist mindset is creating serious hindrances in the initiatives for administrative reforms. Lack of inter-departmental coordination is another serious problem, which affects the functioning of the government. If these issues remain unresolved, it would be difficult to implement the programmes, which are meant to benefit the working people.

1.16 An important task before us today is to bring about a multi-faceted development and establish proper coordination within the cooperative movement in the state. In the context of globalization, the cooperative institutions are trying their best to utilize the capital mobilized from our state in the development process within the state. Institutional credit needs to be provided in the rural areas. The public sector banks are increasingly becoming averse to lend in the rural areas. The cooperative institutions are providing credit for agriculture and crop diversification. However, that has not fully relieved the peasantry from the clutches of moneylenders. West Bengal has achieved significant success in terms of Kisan Credit Cards. However, consistent efforts need to continue in order to make the peasants aware and interested in this. Cooperative institutions are also supervising lakhs of SHGs. Coordinated efforts need to be undertaken so that the goods produced by these SHGs can be marketed through cooperative organizations. Credit needs to be expanded for small enterprises, handicrafts and traditional rural industries because they have huge employment potential. Many of the Central government’s policies are going against the development of cooperative organizations. Problem arises when the social responsibilities of cooperative banks are lost sight of and they are treated on par with other commercial banks. We have to initiate struggle against this anti-people policy from our state. From the state to the village level, cooperatives have to be run democratically involving all sections of the people.


PANCHAYAT AND OUR PARTY

2.1 It is now very clear that the forthcoming Panchayat Elections in West Bengal will witness the sharpest class conflict in the history of Left Front government. Apart from the beginning of 1970, this kind of large-scale preparation for targeting and then violently attacking CPI (M) has been unprecedented. After analyzing the background, the context and active dialectics of the present struggle along with identifying our successes and failures, the direction for immediate tasks has been given in the Party State Committee letter 6/2007. After exchanging the experiences in implementing these tasks, there is a need to discuss about the framework of the next tasks in the state conference.

2.2 In four meetings of State Panchayat Sub-Committee and seven meetings of the Extended Sub-Committee, in addition to discussion on contemporary problems, the role of the Party in providing political and organizational leadership in conducting the operations of three-tier Panchayat system had also been discussed thoroughly in the light of Panchayat Directive Guidelines. The success and failure of different District Committees are varied in fulfilling this role. Initiatives taken by different Ministries related to Panchayats also varied. It also applies for people’s initiative through mass and people’s organizations. The main challenge today is to find different ways to eradicate this variation and inequality in performances through exchange of experiences.

2.3 In five years of the Sixth Panchayat, work and financial allocation both have increased, along with an increase in spending and speed in target implementation. Per head revenue collection in the three-tier Panchayats has increased from Rs. 7.13 in 2002-03 to Rs. 17.36 in 2006-07. Many new posts have been created in the entire Panchayat structure from district to village level to increase the productivity of the system, but not enough initiative has been taken to fill them up. Notable progress has been made in using advanced information technology and satellite communication in order to develop more speed, skill, transparency and honesty in the system through modernization of the operating system. In spite of all these, this conference admits that infrastructure in Panchayats has not developed at par with the growing need of work in Panchayats at different levels. Widespread differences in taking political and organizational initiative within districts has also to be noted. For example, a few important issues are mentioned below.

2.4 Funds allocated to Panchayats have increased from Rs. 831 crore in 2002-03 to Rs. 2023 crore in 2006-07, out of which, the increase in expenses for salary payment has gone up from Rs. 147 crore to Rs. 210 crore. This shows that there has been significant increase in both allocation and expenditure on developmental work, but the spending pattern in different districts out of the total allocated funds in 2006-07 will show the disparities. In percentage terms, Hooghly has spent the most (83.8%) and Murshidabad the least (59.9%). The districts that are spending lower than the average percentage spending of the state (70.5%) are Maldah (62%), Bardhaman (64%), North 24 Parganas (67%), Bankura and Jalpaiguri (68%), and Birbhum (61%). It is not possible to attribute any single reason to explain this district-wise variation. This is also significant that except Siliguri Mahokuma Parishad, North and South Dinajpur and East Medinipur no other district could spend 70% of the unconditional fund provided under the recommendations of Central and State Finance Commissions.

2.5 In the period under discussion, the income of the panchayats have crossed Rs. 100 crore. In the last State Conference Report under section “Panchayat and Our Party” it was mentioned, “The required importance of focusing on increasing self generated income of Panchayats is not coming out in discussions everywhere.” In spite of an increase in total income, same criticism is still valid for per head revenue collection. In 2006-07 the highest per head revenue collection was Rs. 32.42 in Bardhaman and the lowest Rs. 4.65 was in Purulia. The districts where per head revenue collection is above the overall state average includes relatively developed districts like Hooghly and Howrah, and relatively underdeveloped districts like West Medinipur, Jalpaiguri and Bankura.

2.6 The points mentioned in the 21st State Conference for implementation of projects related to important class concepts of land, employment, wages etc. are still applicable in the present context. The ten thousand acre target for annual distribution of vested land is yet to be achieved. The number of labour-days created has increased from 4.16 crore in 2002-03 to 7.47 crore in 2006-07. However, this could not have been possible without the introduction of National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme under which 100 days work has to be guaranteed. In 2006-07 financial year, the number of registered families (51.4 lakh) and among these families the number of families requisitioned to work (32.35 lakh) were the highest among all the states in the country. Around 30.83 Lakh families have been provided with work, but in terms of labour-days created per family on an average (14 days) the performance of the state is not up to the mark. Here also the variation among the districts is notable – highest in Bankura (24 days) and lowest in Murshidabad (8 days). In the last financial year, in terms of expenditure per Gram Panchayat on this scheme, Birbhum was the highest (Rs. 54 Lakh) and the lowest was South 24 Parganas (Rs. 7 Lakh). Siyanmuluk Gram Panchayat in Birbhum has completed 33 water conservation projects during this year, spending Rs. 184 Lakh and creating 57 labour-days per family in the process. Around 47% of the people in this Panchayat are SCs and STs. The experience and achievement of this Panchayat had been publicized and CDs on it have been distributed to all districts.

2.7 It was said in the report of the 21st State Conference that “The struggles for health and education are class struggles just like the struggles for land and wages.” Even before Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan was launched, the state Government, on its own, allocated funds to Panchayats to open Shishu Shiksha Kendras in villages. Later, the fund was allocated from the budget of Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, though, not on a regular basis. Unfortunately due to non-allotment of fund for this purpose in the central budget now the State Government has to once again spend on this count. In 2002-03, there were 4.43 Lakh students in Standard I and only 34,000 students in Standard IV in a total of 14,699 such Shishu Shiksha Kendras. The number of such education centres has increased to 16,054 in 2006-07 and the number of students in Standard I and IV have increased to 6.36 Lakh and 2.19 Lakh respectively. Among the students, 50.1% are girls, 29.8% are SCs and 12% are STs. There was no Madhyamik Shiksha Kendra in the state in 2002-03, but the number of such centres in 2006-07 was 1752 and the average number of students per centre has increased from 76 in 2003-04 to 162 in 2006-07. Unless the uncertainty around the future of such centres is cleared the success achieved by these centres will be very difficult to maintain. To make education universal up to Standard VIII, the Panchayats have to play a very decisive role. Same argument is applicable for the Literacy Mission. This Conference reaches the same conclusion from the experience of integrating the Panchayats in the Sarva Swasthya Abhiyan. The number of rural families with toilets has increased from 22.94 lakh to 61.12 lakh during the period 2002-03 to 2006-07. Now 65% of rural families have toilets. Last year 464 Gram Panchayats and 16 Panchayat Samitis were awarded the “Nirmal Village” prize. East Medinipur and Howrah districts applied for eligibility to be “Nirmal Districts.” Districts like Bardhaman, Nadia and West Medinipur are also near achieving this target. Except for five districts, this operation has been conducted everywhere in the state. West Bengal is at the top of all States in this regard. Other than Sarvik Swasthyabidhan Programmes, the overall role of the Panchayats in implementing all healthcare projects has increased significantly. Though equal initiatives could not be created in implementing new responsibilities, there is no doubt that the Panchayats will play a pivotal role in this in the near future. All the districts have to proceed forward, while keeping in mind the difficulty and complexity of the task.

2.8 In forming self-help group through panchayats, West Bengal stood second in the country. In November 2007, total number of self-help groups was 2,10,622 (58,708 in 2002-03) and their total savings stood at Rs. 165.6 crore (Rs. 13.47 crore in 2002-03); and till November 2007, the groups availed total cash credit of Rs. 285 crore (Rs. 28 crore in 2002-03). Taking into account all kinds of self-help groups the number has crossed 6 Lakhs. With the increase in their number, their problems are also increasing manifold. If they are not organized within Gram Sangsad based sub-organizations, Gram Panchayat based organizations, and Panchayat based bigger organizations then their problems cannot be solved in the long run. In this regard, Murshidabad, Maldah, South 24 Parganas, Purulia, Bankura and North 24 Parganas districts (in this order) are lagging behind. There is also lack of equal initiatives in this matter across the region on Women’s Front.

2.9 In projects related to roads and electrification, in spite of increased speed, certain problems are persisting. In the financial year 2002-03, 582 km concrete roads were built with an expenditure of Rs. 149.5 crore. In 2006-07, 1501 km of new roads were added with an expenditure of Rs. 476 crore. In current year, the Central Government has fixed a expenditure target of Rs. 700 crore. Though, operating with much less developed infrastructure than the PWD, comparatively more roads have been built. But in the framework of these projects there is no provision for land acquisition. There is a need to check the tendency of unnecessarily inflating the list of habitats without proper road connections throughout the year. Failing to do so will result in building more roads than actually required and will also affect the maintenance of existing damaged roads. Since this kind of projects are 100% funded by Central Government and Central Government directives have to be followed, the districts have to take special initiative to correct and modify the planning of core network. In rural electrification, state initiative, Central grant and working skill of implementing organizations are more decisive factors than initiatives at panchayat or district level. As a result, the problems of overshooting deadlines are coming in rural electrification, though the areas of operations are only in a few districts. Many times, the difference between rural electrification and electricity connection for each household (for which the deadline is 2011) is not well understood leading to confusion and discontent among the people. The complexities of these issues need to be explained in detail at the district level.

2.10 The biggest challenge in front of us is to finalize the so-called BPL list. Since, finalization of this list is directly related to important issues like finalization of lists for ration card, Anna Yojna, Indira Awas Yojna, Old Age Allowances, there is a need to have an interim working list, at least for the time being. Along with campaigning and carrying on movements to change and alter current Central policies and directives, if the lists for the above mentioned schemes are not prepared, then poor people, SCs and STs, minorities and women from the villages will always be at the receiving end. However, there has been substantial progress in preparing the lists. Among 3354 Gram Panchayats in the state, except 918, all other Gram Panchayats finalized the list of Indira Awas Yojna on the basis of new family based economic survey. By the month of November, all villages of Bardhaman, Jalpaiguri and North Dinajpur have submitted this list and Central allocations have also been received. On the other hand, no reports have been submitted from East Medinipur, Howrah and Darjeeling Hill Council. From the rest of the districts, varied responses have arrived in this matter. Until now, pro-forma reports for Old Age allowances recipients has been received from Bardhaman, South Dinajpur, Howrah, Hooghly, Maldah, Nadia and North 24 Parganas. Currently 4.46 Lakh people are getting Rs. 400 per month under this scheme. Approximately, almost the same amount of people have to be enlisted, otherwise many poor people will be deprived.

2.11 To implement all the above-mentioned tasks, involving people, the role of Gram Sangsad (Village Council) and Gram Unnoyon Samiti (Village Development Committee) is of utmost importance. Last State Conference announced that “Now our aim is not only to take decisions, but to develop Gram Unnoyon Samiti as an effective delivering agency for implementation of such decisions at grass root level.” According to latest available data, among 45,154 Gram Sangsads, 40,965 Sangsads Samitis have been formed and from among them 12,056 Gram Unnoyon Samitis opened their own savings bank accounts where unconditional funds from the government can be transferred. Here, it should be specifically noted that in spite of special focus on formation of Village Councils, Village Development Committees and self-help groups in identified underdeveloped 4,612 villages, equal initiative have not been taken in this direction everywhere. Though, these villages were given priority in last year’s work plan, they received only Rs. 11.97 crore from the unconditional fund. The target for current financial year must be four times of that amount.

2.12 To implement these tasks successfully there is an urgent need to create an able operating system, which will be capable of providing political and organizational leadership. In the 21st State Conference report, it was stated, “Individual responsibility distribution on the basis of collective decision and following the policy of collective check-up are needed to increase the speed and skill in implementation of various works.” To follow up this policy, routinely holding review meetings or programmes is not enough. We know from the experience of a particular district that after showing the target achievement of different Panchayats and then showing variations across them on a big screen in a meeting of panchayat officials and local party leadership using Power Point presentation form in Bengali and then distributing those data in printed booklets, the speed in implementation has increased. After two such meetings within six months, all related individuals could understand their weaknesses, which was not possible, in their own words – “through routine meetings in the past.” If everybody is not updated, then following the policy of collective decision and making collective check-ups on the basis of exact comparative information is not possible. Modernization of operation and supervision and utilizing information technology can play a big supportive role for any such political and organizational initiative. District Party leadership should discuss the reports of the just concluded review meetings at the administrative level with district panchayat officials and organize these kind of Party meetings using modern technology, as soon as possible.

2.13 The topics and issues quoted in State Committee letter no. 6 in year 2007 need not be repeated here. At this moment, the most important duty is to implement the immediate tasks mentioned in that letter on a priority basis in the run-up to the forthcoming Panchayat Elections. We also have to keep in mind the adverse changes that occurred after the publication of the letter. Unless, we can decisively attract the rural working and democratic population on the basis of the balance of class forces, it will be difficult to face the current situation. Our enemies will desperately try to weaken our social and class base, and this attempt will become sharper and sharper as elections approach. The new State Committee has the urgent task of finalizing a detailed electoral plan analyzing the latest political trends. But the tasks mentioned in letter no. 6 cannot wait till the time of finalization. Implementing unfinished works of Panchayats, specifically giving priority to the projects which will benefit the majority comprising the poor, tribals, dalits, minorities and women, repairing even slightly probable fissures between organizations and following masses wherever it is required, ensuring that all meetings at Gram Sangsad, village and local level are converted into mass participative meetings, neutralizing and solving all legitimate grievances voiced in such meetings, explaining patiently our constraints and weaknesses, building mass resistance against any probable political attack on us, resolving all local conflicts with local Left Front partners, and lastly finding new allies and friends – these are the most important tasks at this moment. This can be made possible only by organizing the entire party on the basis of unity of thought, desire and work. Even a slight slackness in this regard can prove very harmful to the Party.


MUNICIPALITY AND PARTY

3.1 Presently, West Bengal has six corporations and 126 municipalities along with 250 urban areas outside municipalities. West Bengal is among those States whose rate of urbanization is higher than the national rate. Land reform, increase in agricultural production and strong panchayat system are responsible for the fast growth in the non-agricultural sector. As a result, many villages are turning into small towns and the areas surrounding cities are being urbanized. In many cases, this is happening in an unplanned way. Because of the growth of the service sector or trading sector and industrialization, the pace of urbanization is increasing. Again, the urban population density is higher in this state in comparison to many other States in the country. Land scarcity is increasing and consequently urban land price is also escalating. Urban poor are forced to live in congested slums, which are not suitable for habitation. In cities, economic activities are increasing very rapidly resulting in an increase in the number of unorganized sector workers who have very limited social security. Within the city population, the number of middle, upper-middle and upper-income class people is increasing very fast. Simultaneously, the number of poor people living in the cities is also increasing. It is true that urban infrastructure and utility services have improved in the cities. The state’s allocation of funds for cities and towns has increased to a great extent. The resource mobilization by the municipalities has also increased. The Left Front government in the state has given significant emphasis on improving the standard of living, particularly various aspects of human development of the urban poor and the lower-middle class. Along with improvement in urban infrastructure and utility services, importance has been given to improvement of education, health, income growth, clean drinking water, better residence for slum dwellers and provision of toilets. Along with these, many other developmental works have been undertaken to improve overall situation in drinking-water supply, drainage and sewage, communication system, etc.

3.2 In some situations the state government has taken help from private investment or formed Private-Public joint venture. A transparent policy has been undertaken. There are nine developmental authorities in the state. Apart from these, HIDCO has been constituted. This organization has built the Rajarhat Satellite Township. There are many townships being developed with initiatives from the state, private or Public-Private partnership. For many basic urban infrastructural projects, permission has been given under JNNURM scheme. The Central government has given permission to construct 89,000 houses for the urban poor. The negative aspect of these projects is that more than half of the costs have to be borne by the state government or urban local bodies. Another weakness of this scheme is that the development of small and medium-sized towns get lesser importance. Despite these weaknesses, the state government is trying to use this project properly. For the eleventh five-year plan period, the Municipality and Urban Development department has prepared a document on the direction of development. In the development of some areas, targets have also been fixed. Target has been fixed to make municipalities more dynamic, environment friendly and for improvement in the quality of life of the urban poor. Emphasis has been given to participation of residents in the functioning of the municipalities. There is a need to improve and regularize the activities of ward committees. Efforts are being made to increase participation of the urban poor and women in development planning. It has been made mandatory to take the opinion of common citizens in the preparation of ward based and town based draft development plans, which are under process.

3.3 The CPI (M) has made suggestions to give importance to some aspects of running the municipalities. First is ensuring more democratization, transparency, honesty and efficiency in running the municipalities. Second is improvement in the life of the urban poor. Third is more emphasis on development of slums. Fourth is construction and strengthening of ward committees. To ensure that the fruits of development reach all sections of the society and opinions of socio-economically weaker sections of the people and women are taken into consideration for the development planning and implementation, emphasis has been given to constitute ward committees in all urban local government bodies of West Bengal. It has also become mandatory to have at least two general body meetings in a year for each ward committee and submission of development planning and financial accounts in these meetings. The total number of wards in the state is 2819. Ward committees have been constituted in a majority of the wards. In many of the urban local government bodies, either ward committees have not been constituted or are not active regulary. Our party runs some of these urban local government bodies. In some wards of Kolkata Corporation, ward committees have been constituted. Even where committees have been formed, they function irregularly. The activities of many ward committees are limited to formalities. The Party directed that the ward committees should not consist of Party members and sympathizers alone but people with opposing views should also be included. However, this has not been followed in many wards. In many municipalities and corporations, ward committees are run like local party units or like party run mass organizations.

3.4 It had been decided to constitute Municipal subcommittees in each district. In many districts these teams are functioning. These subcommittees are actively helping or advising municipal administration in many districts. In some cases over-activism of these subcommittees obstructs the democratic functioning of the municipalities and corporations. The Party should be equally careful about both these sides. Community Development Societies have been constituted in each municipality and corporation. They have been constituted with the urban poor, specially the women of poor urban families. Around 23,000 self-help groups have been constituted. Its membership is around 2.5 lakhs. Local party and mass organization play an important role in providing the required co-operation and help in functioning these groups. In many areas this activity of the Party and mass organization is absent. Again in many areas there has been a tendency to use these groups only for Party work.

3.5 Development authorities are giving special emphasis to planned urbanization. An attempt is being made to prevent misuse of land in cities and its suburbs. Land utilization map and future land use map are being prepared. Initiatives are being undertaken to formulate a rehabilitation policy for those displaced due to various development projects in the urban areas. The urban development strategy will be reformulated. Long-term development plans keeping the future in mind are being prepared. Along with this, preparations for slum development plan and minority development sub-plan are underway. Already around 23,000 self-help groups have been constituted. In the eleventh five-year plan the target is to include at least seventy-five per cent of the women belonging to poor urban families in these self help groups. Each municipality is being told to allocate at least twenty five percent of their budget for the urban poor. Each municipality has been included in the public health project. Specific targets have been fixed for universal education, vaccination, and childbirth in hospitals. The state government wants to build a Municipal system that is accountable, responsible to the people and participatory in nature. For this we need to strengthen the functioning of ward committees.

3.6 In West Bengal, out of 126 elected municipalities, 80 are run by the Left Front and 46 by the opposition. Where we are in opposition, the responsibilities are not less. Serious allegations of corruption, illegal recruitment, deficiency in public utility services exists in these municipalities. We need to organize residents and agitate against these. We need to play the role of a proper opposition party and expose the failures of these municipalities. Despite non-discriminatory allocation of funds by the state government, public utility services are neglected in these municipalities. The ward committees or other democratic processes are practically absent. Public opinion has to be built up for this.


FUTURE TASKS

1. Speed up administrative reforms to increase accountability, transparency, speed and efficiency in administration.

2. Keeping class orientation intact at the panchayat level, we need to complete the rural developmental work speedily through the creation of public initiatives and activation of rural developmental societies. Priority has to be given to make the hundred days work under NREG Act successful.

3. We need to modernize seed-farms, use soil-testing laboratories at district and block-levels and information-technology based consultancy-centres to increase agricultural production and speed up the process of crop diversification to develop agriculture. Initiatives need to be taken to integrate self-help groups in the development of poultry and live-stock sector.

4. To expand and modernize the agro-market, preservation and marketing facilities of agro-products needs to be built up.

5. To speed up administrative initiatives for proper implementation of social security schemes for agricultural labourers and unorganized sector workers.

6. On the question of land acquisition for industrialization, the local people/communities need to be involved. Specific plans for compensation, training, economic rehabilitation needs to be placed before the people. Sustained efforts have to be made at the local level to build consensus among all parties on these issues.

7. Universal education and health programmes need to be further strengthened. There is a need to lay emphasis on quality of education and technical education. People belonging to SCs, STs, Minorities and women have to be consciously integrated into these programmes. Effective steps need to be taken to reduce the number of school drop-outs.

8. Self-help groups need to be strengthened. The scope for institutional credit has to be extended and marketing of the products of these groups need to be given importance.

9. In the activities of Municipalities, Corporations and developmental authorities, the interests of the urban poor, workers and slum-dwellers should be given importance. Importance has to be given to drinking-water supply, development of drainage and sewerage system, environment, expansion of self-help groups, mother and child care schemes. For carrying out these tasks, ward committees, have to be made democratically representative and activated.

10. We need to build a strong social movement for the spread of education among women, against dowry system, gender discrimi-nation, child marriage, superstition and unscientific and backward thinking. A socio-political initiative alongwith government’s initiative is needed to achieve the objective of human development.