Saturday, March 21, 2015

CPI(M) West Bengal 24th State Conference Calls to Intensify Struggles

By Debasish Chakraborty

THE 24th state conference of the CPI(M) West Bengal  committee started with a massive rally at the  Brigade Parade Ground in Kolkata on March 8 and after five-days of deliberations concluded on March 13 with the battle cry to ‘Oust Trinamool, Save Bengal’. The conference, held in Promode Dasgupta Bhaban in Kolkata, witnessed threadbare discussions on political situation of the state, organisational aspects of the Party and a thorough review of the work of Left Front government in order to build up a Left alternative programme for the state.

The conference was held at a time when the Party and the Left has survived an all-out terror of the ruling class, suffered electoral losses, is facing new threats of communal forces along with an authoritarian government in the state.

The delegate session started with CPI(M) general secretary Prakash Karat hoisting the red flag in the lawns of the conference venue , decorated by portraits of the departed leaders. Biman Basu read out the condolence resolution. After the last state conference, 106 Left leaders, activists and supporters were killed by ruling party miscreants in the state. Karat and other Polit Bureau members offered their floral tributes to martyrs’ column.

STRENGTHEN PARTY TO BUILD UP MOVEMENTS

In the political-organisational report, placed by the outgoing secretary Biman Basu and later adopted in the conference, a self-critical analysis of the Party’s work was done. With the determination of Party’s activists and with the growing discontent among people, some perceptible changes in the situation have occurred in the last few months.

The future tasks outlined in the report emphasise that in the changed situation, we have to mobilise working people and other sections of the masses that are affected by the policies of the centre and state governments, those who have become victims of the attacks from TMC-abetted anti-socials and joint attacks of criminals and police, and move forward.

Specific tactics have to be adopted in each local and branch areas, depending on the specific reality of the area. We have to remember that there will be difference in style of functioning from the past. But our main goal is to firmly consolidate our class allies and win over general masses and democratic sections. The changes occurring in the society due to neo-liberal policies and its effects on class and social formations should be kept in consideration. Otherwise, there will be mistakes in deciding democratic allies in villages and urban areas, noted the report.

The report emphasised on the change of style of work. It said, ‘Leadership has to work down below, along with those comrades who have worked with risks and responsibility in the last three years. Attending LC and branch meetings are not enough. The district leadership and district committee members working in zonal level must adopt this practice.’  The report identified two tasks as priorities: to get rid of the problem of inactivity in the Party which means develop the Party ideologically, develop the communist values of comrades at all levels and activate them in the fields of struggle according to the organisational principles. At the same time, developing intensive relations with people along with toiling people is needed. The conference also identified the crucial importance of energising the mass organisations with proper monitoring of their independent activities.

While summing up the discussion of 60 delegates on the political-organisational report, Biman Basu said that the positive changes in the situation have to be utilised to build up wider movements. And to do this the Party organisation has to be prepared. The adverse situation can only be overcome through movements.

STRUGGLE FOR LEFT ALTERNATIVE

The conference discussed the review report on the working of the Left Front government. As Suryakanta Misra put it while introducing, it is not only a review of the past but was aimed to develop an alternative programme for the state. ‘Not that we will implement it only when in government, but also keep it in the forefront to intervene on issues as opposition too’, he said. The report itself analysed the backdrop of the formation of the LF, undeniable achievements, the advent of neo-liberal policies and the resulting challenges, the shortcomings and mistakes.

The report was made a public document before the conference and comments and suggestions poured in through e-mail and websites. Summing up the discussion of 27 delegates on it, Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee  said,  the experience of running a government for 34 years was unique and its lessons should be summed up for Left movement in our country and for the Marxists all over the world.

He said, the achievements of the LF government have to be seen in class terms.  Land Reforms were the major success of the Left Front government in West Bengal that distributed 11, 27, 000 acres of land among 30 lakhs of peasants. Not Just decentralisation of power but empowerment of poor people was our achievement. Not just enhancement of agricultural production but improvement of purchasing power of common people was our achievement. The Left Front government was based upon four pillars: a) success in agriculture; b) considerable human development; c) enhancement of democratic rights; d) to firmly establish secular environment in the state;

Bhattacharjee said, with the advent of neo-liberal policies we faced a new challenge to defend the marginalised people. We initiated social security measures for unorganised workers and marginal sections, provided rice at Rs 2 per kg etc.

On industrialisation, Bhattacharjee said, our programme was to revive industrialisation in the state. Former chief minister and our leader Jyoti Basu had taught us to take maximum benefit out of the situation that arose in the nineties. We had to go for private capital, knowing full-well that they would come here for profits only. Our interest was to enlarge the scope of employment. Our industrialisation policies attracted investment, the highest amount being Rs 15,000 crores in 2010. Land acquisition never posed a major problem amongst people in West Bengal. Land was acquired even before Singur and after. We basically wanted just 1 per cent of total cultivable land. In North Bengal, Medinipur, Barrackpore, Rajarhat, South 24 Parganas we never faced any problem. But in Singur the situation went out of control. We admitted in our document that there was a lack of understanding on the question of peasant’s attachment to land. In Nandigram, the situation was different. However what happened there cost us dearly in the state and had its negative impact on the Left movement in the country.

As the document itself outlined, Bhattacharjee admitted that there was unnecessary intervention in educational sphere, partisan divide between rural people in distribution of benefits, high handedness in some areas. ‘In a democratic country like ours, the plurality of thought must be respected’, he commented.

Bhattacharjee said, the success, weaknesses and the lessons would help us to develop the alternative for the future. We will go the people with this alternative. The change of political situation in the state will come surely but only through sustained movement. The Party should develop in a way that gains trust and respect of the people.

The state conference concluded with the call of ousting Trinamool Congress government to save West Bengal. In the concluding session, the conference adopted a resolution calling upon the people to organise to defend democracy, strengthen secularism, and fight against unprecedented corruption in the state. CPI(M) has called for industrialisation of the state which is suffering from critical decline of industries in the last three and half years resulting in perilous growth of unemployment. The conference called upon to initiate movements for remunerative prices of agricultural products. The Party will increase its initiative to unite Left, democratic and secular forces to defend democracy and resist the politics of division among people.

The conference elected Suryakanta Misra as new secretary of the state committee. An 81-member state committee has been elected, with three vacancies to be filled later.

Biman Basu, the outgoing secretary took charge in 2006 after Comrade Anil Biswas expired. Later Basu was elected as state secretary in 2008 and 2012 conferences. Biman Basu led massive student-youth movements in 1960s and 1970s. Later, he helped to build up Party in many districts of the state. He was the chief initiator of mass literacy movement also. A tireless leader, Biman Basu is Polit Bureau member of the Party.

Suryakanta Misra joined in the Party through student-youth movement. A doctor by education, he hails from undivided Midnapore. He was the district council president of the district in the three-tier panchayat and gained popularity through massive land reforms and rural development work in the district. A peasant leader, Misra later became a minister in Left Front government, in which he worked in health, panchayat, rural development ministries. He became a state committee member in 1988, state secretariat member in 1995, central committee member in 2002 and member of the Polit Bureau in 2012.  Currently, he is also the leader of the opposition in the state.

The new state committee included 20 new members with 18 of them from younger sections. The new members are: Narayan Biswas, Apurba Paul, Niranjan Sihi, Ajit Pati, Aniruddha Chakraborty, Ratna Dutta, Saman Pathak, Jiaul Alam, Robin Rai, Debabrata Ghosh, Mansa Hansda, Somnath Bhattacharya, Mrinal Chakraborty, Palash Das, Rupa Bagchi, Gauranga Chatterjee, Dilip Ghosh, Gargi Chatterjee, Tamser Ali, Meghlal Sekh.

Nirupam Sen, Md Amin, Raghunath Kushari, Banani Biswas, Prasanta Pradhan, Dinesh Dakua, Hasim Abdul Halim are among 11 special invitees.

The conference elected the new State Control Commission of the Party, where Kanti Biswas has been elected as new chairman.

The conference has also elected 175 delegates for the 21st Party Congress.


Polit Bureau members Sitaram Yechury, S Ramachandran  Pillai, Brinda Karat, Manik Sarkar, Tripura state secretary Bijan Dhar and Assam state secretary Uddhav Burman also attended the conference.

Sunday, March 15, 2015

Dr. Surjyakanta Mishra Elected West Bengal New Secretary




Kolkata, 13th March, 2015

CPI (M) West Bengal state 24th conference concluded on Friday with the call of ousting Trinamool Congress government to save West Bengal. In the concluding session, the conference adopted a resolution calling upon the people to organize to defend democracy, strengthen secularism, and fight against unprecedented corruption in the state. The Party has called for industrialization of the state which is suffering from critical decline of industries in the state in last three and half years resulting in perilous growth of unemployment. The conference called upon the Party units to initiate movements for remunerative prices of agricultural products. The Party will augment its initiative to unite the left, democratic and secular forces to defend democracy and resist the politics of division among people.

An 85 member state committee has been elected, with four vacancies to be filled later. The state committee at its first meeting elected Surjyakanta Misra as its new secretary. Mishra takes over from Biman Basu, who had taken charge in March, 2006 after the death of Anil Biswas. Later Basu was elected in the 2008 and 2012 conferences.

The new state committee has 23 new members with 18 of them being young. Nirupam Sen, Md. Amin, Raghunath Kushari, Banani Biswas, Prasanta Pradhan, Dinesh Dakua, Hasim Abdul Halim are among 11 Special Invitees.

The Conference elected the new State Control Commission of the Party, with Kanti Biswas as the Chairman. As Chairman of the Control Commission Kanti Biswas included in the state committee.


The Conference also elected 175 Delegates for the 21st Party Congress.

We will Develop a Left Alternative and Go to the People: Buddhadeb

Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee Sums up Discussion on LF Government



Time has come to fight back. Battle is not over. CPI (M) can bring the democracy back in West Bengal, stated CPI(M) Polit Bureau Member Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee while summing up the discussion on the Draft of “The Left Front Government in West Bengal: Evaluation of an Experience” in the 24th Conference of CPI(M) West Bengal State Committee at Pramode Dasgupta Bhavan, Kolkata.

In his summing up speech Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee started the discussion saying that Polit Bureau and Central Committee wanted a detailed discussion on the 34 years of experience of the Left Front Government in the state.

The contemporary global situation throws a major challenge of Marxist thoughts and is going into a massive political transformation. In such a situation many people from various corners of the globe are expressing their interest in the application of Marxist ideology in West Bengal through Left Front Government. We also are well aware of the recent critiques on various writings and contributions of global intelligentsia about contemporary Marxist outlooks and give necessary suggestions on our performance too. Our final goal is to establish People’s Democracy in our Country.

‘Land Reforms’ was the major success of the Left Front Government in West Bengal that distributed 11, 27000 acres of land among 30 lakhs of peasants. Not Just decentralization of power but empowerment of poor people was our achievement. Not just enhancement of agricultural production but improvement of purchasing power of common people was our achievement. To mobilize 85-90% of children in primary school was our achievement which is still undeniable.

Left Front government was based upon four Pillars of responsibility:
1. Success in Agriculture; 2. Considerable Human Development; 3. Enhancement of Democratic Rights; 4. To establish Secular Environment in the state. This is undeniable that the Left Front government had achieved a major success in the development of all four pillars.

We had experienced the rise of neoliberal policies in our country and the state that created a new marginal people. The Left Front government special assistance to those marginal people like providing rice of just Rs2 per KG etc. We tried to stand beside these people through social security measures.

On industrialization Bhattacharjee said, our programme was to revive Industrialization in the state. Former Chief Minister and our leader Jyoti Basu had taught us to take maximum benefit out of the situation that arose in the ninties. We decided to go for private capital, knowing fully well that theu would come here for profits only. Our interest was to enlarge the scope of employment. Our Industrialization policies attracted investment which got highest of Rs. 15000 crores in 2010. Land Acquisition was never a major problem in West Bengal. We basically wanted just 1% of total cultivable land. In North Bengal, Medinipur, Barrackpore, Rajarhat, South 24 Parganas etc we never faced any problem. But in Singur the situation went out of control. We admitted in our document that there was a lack of understanding on the question of peasant’s attachment to land. In Nandigram, the situation was different. However what happened there cost us dearly in the state and had its negative impact on the left movement in the country.

Bhattacharjee said, the success, weaknesses and the lessons would help us to develop the alternative for the future. We will go the people with this alternative.


Kolkata, 12th. March 2015

PM Modi’s Anti-Communist Tirade: Fabrication of Facts

Peoples Democracy

THE annual address by the president of India to a joint session of the parliament is always a balance sheet of the past year’s work of the government and a roadmap of its proposals for the next one year. This speech is both prepared and endorsed by the union cabinet and subsequently delivered by the president.  In both the houses of the parliament, a motion of thanks is moved by the ruling party expressing gratitude to the president for having delivered his/her speech. This is a hangover of the British parliamentary practice of thanking the `Majesty’ for gracing and speaking to the MPs.  To this president’s address, usually, a large number of amendments are moved expressing dissatisfaction on one aspect or the other of the address.  These amendments, as a practice, are often subject to a voice vote, at best, as a `division’ (vote count) is not pressed.  However, such a `division’ did take place, at least on three occasions, in the distant past.

This time, Prime Minister Modi, while replying to the debate, refused to take any interjections in the Rajya Sabha on what he was saying or entertain clarifications by the leaders of the opposition parties, which is the usual practice.  Even the officially recognised leader of the opposition in the Rajya Sabha was not  permitted to ask clarifications. This is, also, unusual.  Under these circumstances, given the unreasonableness of the ruling party, the opposition was left with no option but to register its unhappiness by pressing for a `division’ on one of its amendments.  This amendment was passed by the house with 118 for and 57 against in the presence of the 175 members of the Rajya Sabha.  The opposition, largely, united in expressing its dissatisfaction over the manner in which this debate was conducted, particularly, as concluded by Prime Minister Modi.  The motion of thanks now sent to the president by the Rajya Sabha ends with the following:  “but regrets that  there is no mention in the address about the failure of the government to  curb the high level corruption and to bring back black money.”

In his reply to the debate, the prime minister made a series of allegations against some of the opposition parties, mainly the CPI(M) and the Left Front in West Bengal.  As these observations have been made in the parliament,  they shall be replied to, according to the methods available under our parliamentary democracy.  It was primarily the attitude of the ruling party, particularly PM Modi, in not permitting a genuine discussion that led to this embarrassing situation for this government.

Amongst the many allegations leveled by the prime minister were those seeking to ridicule the Left as being an `anachronism’, `outdated’ etc. He went to the extent of saying that the Trinamool Congress, the current ruling party in Bengal, inherited a legacy of economic destruction by the 34 years rule of the Left Front in West Bengal.  These will be replied to, both in the parliament and outside, in detail, subsequently.  In this context, however, to put the record straight, during the last years of the Left Front government in West Bengal, the state rose to the fourth position in the country in terms of industrialisation, according to the latest National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) data.  The great `Gujarat model’ was ranked a distant seventh.  In terms of large and medium industries, between 1991 and 2000, 2,531 new industrial units began production with a materialised investment of Rs 65,686 crores. This generated a direct employment of 2.98 lakhs and twice as much in indirect employment.

The medium and small enterprises (MSEs) considered as the backbone of industry in any state saw the largest expansion in West Bengal under the Left Front rule.  The RBI data shows that the credit growth of the MSEs, the basic indicator of healthy industrial growth, has shown the highest and fastest growth amongst all major states in West Bengal.  Between 2005 and 2011, according to the NSSO, more than 40 per cent of the new manufacturing jobs created in India were generated under the Left Front rule in West Bengal alone.  Out of the 58.7 lakh manufacturing jobs created all over India, during this period 24 lakh were in West Bengal while the `Gujarat model’ delivered only 14.9 lakh.  During 2007-2008, despite the belligerent anti-industrial campaign led by the Trinamool Congress allegedly with the help of Maoists, centering on Singur, West Bengal, under the Left Front government, achieved a 12 per cent industrial growth, the highest in the country.

With regard to agriculture, the first Left Front government in 1976-77 inherited a rice deficit state.  During the 34 year Left Front government in West Bengal, it became a state ranking first in terms of rice production and vegetable production amongst all the states in the country.  This was due to the path-breaking land reforms implemented in the state accompanied by the process of democratic de-centralisation through the establishment of the panchayati raj structures.  Recollect that under the Left Front government, West Bengal initiated the panchayati raj system more than a decade before the Rajiv Gandhi government at the centre amended the Indian constitution making this mandatory in all the states of the country.

The Left Front government inherited in 1976-77 a state that produced 59.48 lakh tones of rice. This rose to 143.40 lakh tones in 2009-10.  Likewise, the total foodgrains production rose from 74.50 to 157.41 lakh tones.  During 2010-11, the severe natural calamity – “Ayila cyclone” – destroyed vast tracts of agricultural land in the state. Despite this devastation, rice production was 133.89 and total foodgrain production of 148.11 lakh tones.

Thus, both in terms of industrial and agricultural growth, this is a healthy legacy and inheritance that the Left Front government left behind for the Trinamool Congress.  The subsequent destruction of the state’s economy is there for all to see today.

Clearly, PM Modi by mounting such a campaign of disinformation against the Left, reflecting the congenital anti-Communist predilections of the RSS, was also seeking to appease the Trinamool Congress whose support is crucial for this government to legislate anti-people, pro-foreign and domestic Indian capital economic reforms in the Rajya Sabha.

As far as the Trinamool Congress is concerned, its role in the massive chit fund scam in West Bengal is getting more and more exposed with its senior leaders being detained on charges of fraud or being questioned by the CBI.  In addition to the Saradha scam, other such instances of massive loot of the people are also surfacing like the latest Rose valley scam.  The West Bengal chief minister’s second-in-command in the state cabinet is under detention.  Her second-in-command in the parliament and seen as the main trouble shooter of the Trinamool Congress appears to indulge in many compromises with the BJP in order to save himself from such questioning. He is no longer the chief of their parliamentary party.  On top of all these, the CBI has begun investigations into the money accumulated by the party through the so-called auction of paintings by the chief minister and has sought the submission of the Trinamool Congress accounts during the past few years.

Beleaguered by these developments, the Trinamool Congress chief sought an appointment with the prime minister and subsequently met him.  The prime minister nor the finance minister, in the recent past, had consulted the state chief ministers or even sought their customary opinions before the annual budget.  On this occasion, however, the prime minister promptly granted time and met the chief minister.  Only time will tell what are the deals in the offing. On this will depend the Trinamool Congress’ attitude to the proposed economic reforms’ legislations in the Rajya Sabha.

However, as we go to press, the Modi government was forced to accept the constitution of two separate select committees to examine its proposed legislations on Mines & Minerals Development and on Coal Block allocations.  These legislations passed in the Lok Sabha  in exercise of the BJP’s `tyranny of the majority’ will now have to wait for a decision in the Rajya Sabha till the select committee reports are considered by the house.

On the other two crucial bills, amendments permitting increased foreign capital in the insurance sector and on land acquisition, their fate will crucially depend on the attitude of the Congress party.  Recollect that on both these, the BJP as the principal opposition, had opposed such a legislation earlier in the insurance sector and voted for the Land Acquisition Bill which it now wishes to amend to satisfy the corporates, both foreign and Indian. Indeed, this is the `pay back time’ for the services rendered by these corporates who liberally financed the Modi election campaign.

During the last few years of the Manmohan Singh government, there was the practice of `match-fixing’ between the BJP and the Congress on many such neo-liberal economic reforms.  We shall have to wait and see if a reverse `match-fixing’ will now be in operation. Essentially, on these anti-people economic reforms, the Congress and the BJP have often been on the same plane.

As far as the CPI(M) and the Left are concerned, the anti-farmer  changes in the Land Acquisition Bill and the pro-foreign and domestic capital  amendments to the Insurance Bill will be firmly opposed in the interests of the vast majority of the Indian people. This would be in resonance with the large-scale public protests that continue to gain strength outside the parliament against these measures.

(March 11, 2015) 

Wednesday, March 4, 2015

In West Bengal, CPI(M) attempts course correction - The Hindu

By SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT

The party comes out with an assessment of 34 years of Left Front rule

In an attempt at course correction and to reach out to the people, the State committee of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has come out with a draft report assessing the 34 years of Left Front rule in West Bengal.

The 34-page document, which has a fair amount of criticism of the Left Front government, has been put on the party’s website for public response before the final draft is approved.

The document described the attempts at land acquisition at Singur and Nandigram as an “exception,” and said they called forth an “adverse reaction” from the people. At Nandigram, the “proactiveness of some CPI(M) leaders turned the people against us,” it said. And 82.82 per cent of farmers of Singur in Hooghly district were willingly gave their land for the Tata Motor’s car factory.

On the violence in the Jangalmahal region, the document said Maoists, helped by the Trinamool Congress, extended their influence in the region where the party had a strong influence once. The party got isolated from the people, despite political and administrative efforts, it said.

The document said that though the Left Front government promoted primary education in a significant way, there were questions about the standard. The Left Front put an end to the anarchy in higher education caused by the Congress government, but there were unwarranted political interference in some higher educational institutions. “There is no need for a party-based election in the governing bodies [of educational institutions],” it said.

The document said the number of people living below the poverty line had consistently decreased during the Left Front government, and West Bengal stood second in poverty alleviation, after Kerala. The Left Front government was the first to create reservation in government employment for Muslims, as recommended by the Ranganath Mishra Commission. And it was the first to take up decentralisation of power by creating rural bodies even before the 73rd Amendment to the Constitution established the three-tier panchayat system.