Showing posts with label INDUSTRIALISATION. Show all posts
Showing posts with label INDUSTRIALISATION. Show all posts

Wednesday, March 9, 2011

Industrial Development in West Bengal: Achievements and Constraints

By Nirupam Sen

THE contemporary reality in West Bengal is that a strange combine of the right reactionary forces and their cohorts, abetted by a section of the media and the degenerated ultra left, are striving to gain ground. Apart from violent physical attacks, these forces have waged a slanderous campaign against the Left Front. However, the slander is not that unique. The pattern and content have undergone some changes.

One of the major campaigns against the Left Front government is that it had failed to develop industries in the state. Integral to this campaign was that the Left Front itself engineered violent trade union movement generating industrial unrest and situation uncongenial to industrial progress. In more recent period, resistance to industries with various excuses has been witnessed. This is understandable because the policies pursued by the Left Front government have earned the confidence of the investors and an ambience of rapid industrial development has been created in the state. The chambers of commerce and industries, big industrial houses, foreign and domestic investors and even the die-hard critics of the Left have been appreciating the role of the state government and its policy framework.

It needs to be mentioned that the process of industrial development of West Bengal has its own history. From the colonial days to the period prior to the country’s independence, the state occupied a pre-eminent position in the manufacturing, iron & steel, textile, jute, tea and other sectors. Its growth in the cottage & small scale sector was equally impressive in first decades in the post independence period. However, the development process had to face many problems in the years that followed for a variety of reasons. Among them the policies of the successive central governments like freight equalisation and manifest bias through licensing system were crucial. These, along with lack of policies of the then Congress government in the state, led to the sluggish industrial growth. The socio-political unrest from the 60s also negatively impacted on the investment climate of the state as well as engineered the flight of capital to other regions. The negative perception that had developed among the industrialists also hindered the process of the state’s industrial development. It also needs to be recognised that the western part of Bengal had to bear the brunt of the partition which had a telling effect on its economy. Besides, the benefits of scientific inventions and technological innovations in the post Second World War phase hardly found their place in the National Industrial Policy framework. India’s lack of access to the benefits of scientific and technological revolution, compounded by uneven competition, had regressive effect on the Indian industries. Just before the Left Front was elected to office, the industrial scenario of the state was dismal. The Left Front had to start afresh. While discussing West Bengal’s industrial development, one has to keep in mind this historical perspective.

NEP: CHALLENGES BEFORE THE STATE
In the present phase of economic development, India has emerged as one of the principal proponents of market economy. It remains a fact that Liberalisation, Privatisation and Globalisation (LPG) that have propelled the neo liberal economic order seeking to integrate the economies around the world have virtually excluded nations and peoples across the globe from the trajectory of development, deepened inequality among nations, created imbalances among the countries and regions.

Against this vast canvas of inequality and deprivation and the present Constitutional arrangement in a federal structure, the state government has to articulate its policy of industrialisation to meet the rising expectations of the people as well to ensure state’s overall development on a sustainable basis .

With the introduction of New Economic Policy (NEP) by the central government, a new phase of economic activities has set in. The Left Front government of West Bengal had to put in place situation-specific policy framework to face the emerging challenges. The Policy Resolution on Industry announced by the state government in 1994 thus gave new direction to the industrial development of the state. This Policy Resolution is basically a resolve to accelerate the state’s industrial development relying on its intrinsic strengths and competitive advantages. It also sought to attract private investment in different sectors of the economy to the benefit of the state. The state’s strategic geographical location, developed industrial base, strong agrarian economy, huge market, educated middle class, rapid urban growth, skilled human resources, social stability, enabling policies, responsible workers’ organisations and political continuity started attracting investors to the state. And eventually it has emerged as one of the leading investment destination of the country.


INTRINSIC STRENGTH
The policies (Bio Technology policy, IT Policy, ITeS Policy, Mines & Mineral Policy, Public Private Partnership Policy, Housing Policy, Tourism Policy, Export Policy and Incentive Policy, 2008) put in place by the state government, have been so tailored as to respond to the market demand but without compromising the basic interests of the people. Between 1990-1991 and 2000-2001 West Bengal was the second fastest growing state, only slightly behind Karnataka. The compound annual rate of GSDP was a high 6.8 per cent. The main drivers of the state’s strong performance were agriculture (5.2 per cent) and services (9.3 per cent). Growth in agricultural sector in West Bengal was double that of the national average. The land reform measures initiated by the government contributed enormously to the unleashing of the potentials for rapid agricultural growth, which has virtually acted as the prime basis of industrial growth. The change in the rural power structure through Panchayat Raj gave further impetus to the growth of rural economy. It is necessary to note that in our state almost 83 per cent of agricultural land is owned by small and marginal farmers. We have also laid emphasis on the development of allied sectors like Fisheries, Animal Husbandry, and Poultry etc.

Our focus on the micro, small and cottage industries is equally emphatic because they play a major role in the economic development of our state. As per National Sample Survey (62nd Round) there are 27 lakh SME units in the state providing employment to 55 lakh people. The rural artisans and traditional handicraft workers and their families for over the centuries have been sustaining the rural economy through their multifarious economic activities. Their welfare and economic development is, therefore, our main concern.

It is also important to mention that the wide coverage of the peasants’ families in the education network of the state has come to their benefit. We have, therefore, to think in terms of their aspirations who do not want to confine themselves in the agricultural sector only. This is where industrial development of the state, essentially characterised by its agrarian nature, assumes importance.

IMPACT OF STATE GOVT INITIATIVES
It remains a fact that during last several years there has been substantial progress in the investment scenario of the state. In the sectors like Iron & Steel, Food Processing, Information Technology, Hospitality and Tourism, the investments are noteworthy. Table 1 shows the Sector wise Projects implemented in West Bengal through 2009.

Table 1
Sector wise projects implemented in West Bengal in 2009
Sl. No.
Sector
Investment (in Rs. Crore)
1.
Drugs Chemicals, Petrochemicals & Allied
579.33
2.
Iron & Steel
474.49
3.
Agro Based & Food Processing
579.33
4.
Engineering
625.25
5.
Electrical & Electronics
72.78
6.
Jute & Textiles
37.87
7.
IT & ITes
311.34
8.
Others
427.45


Table 2 shows the number of projects implemented from 2001-2009. It will appear from the Table that since 2001 there has been steady rise in the investment figures barring the solitary exception in 2008 only. The major reason was global meltdown and economic downturn.

Table 2
Industrial Projects implemented
Year
No. of Units
Investment (in Rs. Crore)
2001
86
2194.54
2002
113
2325.95
2003
137
2335.19
2004
196
2243.80
2005
227
2515.58
2006
221
3436.15
2007
291
5072.82
2008
217
4434.50
2009
262
8493.43


As has been stated earlier, Small, Micro and Cottage Industries Sector plays a significant role in the economy of the state. West Bengal along with Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Tamilnadu, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka account for 55 per cent of the total number of Micro and Small Enterprises (MSEs) of the country. MSE Sector contributes to 8 per cent of the country’s GDP, 45 per cent of manufactured output and 40 per cent of exports. The basic problems that the sector is facing today are low technology level, absence of skilled manpower, inadequate access to the bank credit and lack of access to capital, besides uneven competition in the global market. While pursuing the inclusive development strategy for sustainable development of this sector, the Left Front government has taken a number of initiatives to address the problems. These include Entrepreneur Development Programmes (EDP) and Skill Development initiatives, West Bengal Incentive Scheme, 2007 for MSEs, credit facilities through sustained coordination with the Banks and other Financial Institutions. Cluster Development Programme has also been adopted to support this sector continually and ensure its growth. Improvement of technology, skills, quality, market access, and other technologically advanced support system are the integral components of this programme. As consequence of these policy measures, the net Bank credit for the MSE Sector has risen to Rs 16,93,437 crore in 2009 compared to Rs 3,16,427 crore in 2000. The growth thus registered over the last nine years has reached 535 per cent.

SINGUR-NANDIGRAM: CANARD AGAINST LF
While making choice for locating their Industrial units, the investors take into consideration their long term business perspective and profit maximisation. Tata Motors Limited’s choice of Singur is a case in point. Tata Motors Limited (TML) had initially decided to locate the factory of their small car project (Nano) in the district of Pashim Medinipur, but subsequently they had changed their decision and opted for Singur, Hooghly. The state government had also taken into consideration long term interests of the state in the background of rapidly growing automobile sector all over the world. It is important to note that Indian automobile industry, which is rated as one of the significant contributors to India’s economic development, witnessed a growth of 19.35 per cent from April to July 2006, and the market trend also indicated that the sector was poised to register further growth. After the Hindustan Motors factory was set up at Hind Motor in the state long back, the state had received no significant investment proposal in the automobile sector. Therefore, the state government had taken full advantage of the unfolding opportunities and decided to go extra miles to persuade TML to set up their factory at Singur instead of in Himachal Pradesh they were already toying with because they were assured by the Himachal Pradesh government of a good incentive package.

A bogey of criticism was raised against the state government that the interests of the farmers have been compromised by the state government, to the benefit of the TML. Those who had waged this slanderous propaganda campaign against the Left Front and were instrumental in ensuring the flight of TML’s project from Singur to Gujarat were fully aware that for the first time in the history of the country, farmers’ lands were being acquired for setting up the TML’s small car project at the prevailing market price and a comprehensive rehabilitation package was tailored at the instance of the state government with an inclusive approach. This rehabilitation package not only envisaged income generation for the land losers on a sustainable basis but also the skill development of the land losers and their dependents in different trades/ disciplines like catering, tailoring, masonry, software training, gardening, horticulture, poultry, apparel making, driving, hairdressing, beauty therapy, hospitality, electrical hardware maintenance and motor mechanics etc. The process of imparting training on the trades/disciplines and also catering activities had started even before the TML’s small car project finally took off. The entire Singur region was buzzing with economic activities, which, the people had never witnessed before. Training was imparted to over 300 young boys in trades like machinist, welding, two and three wheeler automobile repairing, house wiring and electrical gadget repairing as a step towards strengthening the state’s initiative for ensuring alternative means of livelihood to the land losers and their families. For the first time in the country, not only the land holders, but also sharecroppers and agricultural workers dependent on those lands were given compensation and the rehabilitation benefits.

So far as implementation of the New Kolkata International, Development (NKID) project in the district of Purba Midnapore is concerned, the original project envisaged development of infrastructure, irrigation facilities, setting up of new industrial units in the Micro and Small Scale Sector as a step towards setting up of Petroleum and Petro Chemical Hub in accordance with the policy announced by the Government of India. The implementation of the project covered land in different mouzas under Nandigram. But even before spadework for the project had been completed, hue and cry was raised that the Left Front government was out to rob the farmers of their fertile agricultural land for industrial use. The ferocity and virulence of the anti-Left campaign spread far and wide. Violent agitation took ugly turns, culminating into unfortunate incidents. It was evident later that it was not a question of land, the entire agitation was politically motivated.

In both Nandigram and Singur, we lost an opportunity to bring about qualitative change in the life of the people of the areas and also to strengthen the state’s industrial base. But, we have to go ahead with our industrial development process learning from our mistakes and shortcomings.

INFRASTRUCTURE: LAND QUESTION
With sharp increase in the investment proposals, the state is faced with new realities. On the one hand, demand for land for industrial use has been growing rapidly. On the other hand, the urgency for development of existing infrastructure has become more pronounced. In both the cases, land remains the most critical factor. In a land critical state like ours, it is extremely difficult to meet the current demand. The state has only 2.7 per cent of the total land area in the country with more than 8 per cent of the Indian population. Out of the total land area in the state, 61.9 per cent is agricultural land, 13.5 per cent is forest land, 5.0 per cent is fallow or uncultivated land and 19.6 per cent are urban areas. In spite of such land criticality, development of infrastructure in the state has been identified as the basic priority because it is prerequisite to faster industrial growth. West Bengal has to catch up with the rest of the country in terms of developed infrastructure – physical and social – and has to make good the deficiencies of the past. It goes without saying that investors’ choice of place for investment basically hinges on certain key factors like availability of skilled labour, abundance of raw materials, cheap water and power connections, stable social environment, transport and telecommunication facilities, proximity to market etc. These are the crucial factors for the investors to determine the location of their units. Again, the ‘contentious’ issue of proper usage of land comes to the fore. The quantity of land is determined on the size of the proposed unit or infrastructure development of the region. This apart, which region is suitable for a proposed industry is another factor, which determines the choice of a location. It is, therefore, imperative to strike a balance between the scarcity of land and the increasing demand for land for setting up of industrial units. The state government has been more cautious and took measures to ensure that no unnecessary conflict emerges in case of land acquisition. Project-specific compensation and rehabilitation packages have drawn meticulously and fertile lands are being spared as far as possible. In fact, in last two years more than 6000 acres of land have been provided without any conflict and in a smooth manner. Singur or Nandigram were exceptions, not the main trend.

NEW POLICY MEASURES
Since it is the declared policy of the state government to act as facilitator to the process of faster industrial development of the state, it needs to create enabling situation to encourage industries to make investment in the state. To minimise usage of agricultural land for industrial use and to achieve a balanced and sustainable industrial growth, a policy framework has been worked out which is directed towards locating new industries in a manner so as to maximise use of uncultivable land, locating industries in the less developed and backward areas of the state, developing industrial clusters thereby using common infrastructure and optimising available resources. Detailed field survey on the land vested to the state, available as per records, has been made. Assessment of its viability for industrial use keeping in view its size, location, contiguity and availability of infrastructure has also been done. The question of using the land locked in closed and sick industries, keeping in view the legal aspects and other intricate problems related thereto, has also been considered. Moreover, in order to ensure more balanced and sustainable industrial growth in the state and maximize use of uncultivable land in the state, it has been divided into six industrial growth poles. Factors such as availability of non-agricultural land, tradition of industrial growth and availability of good infrastructure have been taken into account while making this categorisation. This will lead to optimal use of the existing industrial infrastructure, and upgradation of infrastructure where required, and facilitate or create new industrial infrastructure for projects in backward areas. The state government’s decision to develop focal areas of industry such as (i) Haldia (ii) Asansol-Durgapur and contiguous areas of Bankura and Purulia across the Damador River (iii) Greater Kolkata which include parts of North & South 24 Parganas along with Howrah and Hooghly (iv) Kharagpur-Jhargram (v) Siliguri- Jalpaiguri and (vi) Kalyani is also a step towards addressing the issue of rapid industrial development without compromising the unhindered growth in the agricultural and allied growth.

PROTECTION OF FARMERS’ INTEREST
While stepping up the progress of industrial development of the state, we have to protect the interests of the peasantry. We have to take cautious and planned approach on the rational use of land taking into account the ground realities. Use of fertile agricultural land for industrial use should be avoided. We have also to ensure payment of maximum possible compensation for the sacrifices the farmers make in terms of sparing their land for setting up of industrial units / infrastructure development besides creating opportunities for their alternative livelihood on a sustainable basis. Their participation in the whole development process has also to be ensured. We have to make them really feel that they are not alien to the development process but a part of it. Again, we have to ensure that the people affected due to the industrial development programmes are properly rehabilitated. We have already put in place necessary policy measures in this regard which are being followed all over the state. Self Help Groups (SHGs) are being formed on a massive scale and the group members are being trained in different disciplines for enhancing their employability. Setting up of Training Institutes to meet the specific requirements of the industries is also an integral component of this Rehabilitation Plan.

STATE’S DRIVE FOR STEADY GROWTH
West Bengal is now on a steady integration mode of a vibrant agricultural economy with the emergent sectors of the modern industrial economy. This has become possible because of the policies pursued by the state government over the last 34 years. The rate of growth of Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) from Agriculture in the year 2009-10 has reached 4.2 per cent, which is much above the rate of growth of GDP from Agriculture (-0.2 per cent) for the country as a whole. Thus, growth in the agricultural sector beginning with the land reforms and surplus generated in the economy has created a conducive environment in the state for faster industrial development. Despite global recession, entrepreneurs have come forward to set up new industries in the state. This is evident from the number of IEMs filed by the entrepreneurs with the Government of India for setting up of new industries in West Bengal. During the calendar year 2009, West Bengal received 206 IEMs with a proposed investment of Rs 44,390 crore. During last five years (2005-2009) West Bengal received 1362 IEMs involving investment proposal of Rs 2,37,000 crore which accounted for 5.47 per cent of the total investment involved in the IEMs issued for the country as a whole. The total investment during the calendar year 2009 was as high as Rs 8493.43 crore. As per the latest report of ASSOCHAM, West Bengal is next only to Gujarat and Maharashtra in the matter of implementation of IEMs during the period from August 1991 to March, 2009. As far as Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is concerned, West Bengal received 7 FDI approvals during the year 2009 (January to November) involving an investment of Rs 313.8 crore. Moreover, FDI inflows through RBI’s Kolkata Regional Office during 2009 (January to November) stood at Rs 219.14 crore. This does unmistakably establish the fact that West Bengal is moving forward to regain its pride of place and pre-eminence in the industrial map of the country.

IMPEDIMENTS
It needs to be recognised that in the existing Constitutional arrangements, a state government has to depend on the central government both for financial resources and necessary policy support. Now, with the withdrawal of earlier restrictions on the flow of capital and predominance of market forces, the only choice before the Left Front is to make the most of the available opportunities for rapid industrial development of the state in the interest of the common people. It has to be kept in mind that it is not possible in the present capitalist economic structure to usher in a non-capitalist way of development at the instance of the state government. The compulsions of the Left Front government in the capitalist structure are presently far more pronounced. It would undeniably have been most ideal if the state government could itself have been able to make necessary investment in the industrial sector for the overall development of the state but the lack of resources at its disposal have always stood in the way. The central government practically tends to usurp all its revenue earning avenues; the Constitutional arrangements are heavily tilted towards the centre. Though our Constitution advocates federalism, it is basically unitary in content which fetters the powers of the states.

It also remains a hard reality that in the new policy regime the state governments are being pushed to a position where they virtually have no role in the economic activity. Rather, in the IMF-World Bank dictated policy regime, the omnipotent market forces determine what the governments of the day will actually do and need to do. The national sovereignty is being surrendered at the altar of the neo-imperialists. With the present UPA-II government representing the interests of the monopoly capital and multinationals, it is becoming increasingly difficult for the state government to pursue its development initiatives. A few examples will suffice to illustrate the point.

The state government’s repeated requests for allocation of nine coal blocks situated in West Bengal for the upcoming projects in the state, particularly in the Steel and Power Sectors, have not yet yielded positive results. The Government of India has not been taking pro-active steps to address the problem of declining draft of the navigable depth in Haldia Channel which is essential for saving Haldia Port. A number of PSUs have been closed in our state due to the policies of the central government affecting employment of a very large number of workers. It needs to be remembered that the policies pursued by the ruling class are dictated by their own class interests. The Left Front government’s ability to dictate the policies in the present political formation is extremely difficult.

Another major constraint now being faced by the state government in taking industrial development to the optimal level is the disruptive activities in some parts of the state, particularly in the districts of Bankura, Purulia, Paschim Medinipur and some parts of North Bengal. The post- Singur- Nandigram scenario apart, the activities of these destabilising forces have a regressive effect on the image of West Bengal as an industrial destination but they have not been able to deter West Bengal’s industrial progress in any significant way.

The Left Front government in West Bengal has the vision for a resurgent, vibrant and industrially advanced state, while strongly defending the interests of the working people. The support of the people is the most important element in striving forward. There is no denying the fact that whatever successes we have achieved over the last 34 years is because of the support and cooperation of the people. As it is true in respect of implementation of land reforms, agricultural development, literacy programme, decentralisation of power, development of Self Help Groups, it is of great importance in relation to industrialisation also.

6th March, 2011
PEOPLE’S DEMOCRACY

Sunday, December 26, 2010

West Bengal 2006-2010: Touching New Milestones (3)

Record Investment in Industries

· West Bengal is forging ahead towards industrialization, notwithstanding Singur and Nandigram. An amount of Rs. 8400 Crore has been invested in the State in 2009 alone, this being the largest investment in a year over the last two decades. It is expected that investments would escalate to the tune of Rs.10000 Crore in 2010.

· Information Technology: West Bengal as a State has encountered the recent global economic recession most deftly. Investments pumped into the IT Sector multiplied manifold. West Bengal earned Rs.2700 Crore from exports in Information Technology Sector in 2005-06. The amount has gone up to Rs. 6,400 Crore now. Scope of employment has simultaneously increased. In 2005-06 only 32000 employees served in the Sector. More than 1 lakh young people are serving the IT Sector. This number is expected to escalate to twice the number in 3 years.

· Second Financial Hub of the Country: Hon’ble Union Finance Minister, Shri Pranab Mukherjee, inaugurated the Second Financial Hub of the country at Jyoti Basu Nagar (Rajarhat) on the 13th October 2010 last, thereby acknowledging success of the industrialization process and economic prowess of West Bengal. The first financial hub in the country was commissioned at the Bandra-Kurla Complex in Mumbai. It is expected that the activities of Banks and other Financial Institutions would increase manifold with commissioning of the Financial Hub. Total investment in the Financial Hub would exceed Rs.1500 Crore creating employment opportunities for about 2 Lakh people directly or indirectly.

· Leader in Micro, Small & Medium Enterprises: West Bengal has been maintaining its supremacy in Micro, Small & Medium Enterprises in the Country– both in terms of the number of established units and the employment opportunities generated. As of now, nearly 28 Lakh MSMEs are operational in the State and almost 55 Lakh people have been gainfully employed therein. The State Government has a budgetary allocation of Rs.200 Crore in 2010-11 for the development of MSMEs in the State.

· PCPIR: Haldia is already established as a Petrochemical Hub. In 2009, the State Government decided to set up a Petroleum Chemical Petrochemical Investment Region (PCPIR) comprising a part of Haldia Municipal Area and Nayachar. The decision is historic in the backdrop of the commitment of the State Government for employment-intensive industrialization. Investment in the PCPIR is expected to be around Rs.15000 Crore and employment opportunities for 10 lakh people would be created.

· Haldia Petrochemicals is an icon of West Bengal's industrial resurrection. It happens to be the second largest polythene producer in the whole country, meeting 70% of the demands for polythene in Eastern India and 30% of the national demand. More than 654 ancillary industries have come up in the State, opening up nearly 2 Lakh employment opportunities in 2009-10.

· Steel: A number of steel industries are coming up in the State. M/s Gas Seal Industries Ltd. is investing around Rs.3000 Crore in Purulia for the production of steel, cement and electricity generation and 2500 persons would be employed in this project. The corporate entity Joy Balaji has chosen Purulia for setting up its steel, cement factories and power station at an investment of about Rs.16,000 Crore. JSW Bengal Steel is establishing a steel project with an investment of around Rs.35000 Crore and. 18000 people are expected to find employment opportunities in this project. This apart, M/s Bhusan Steel Limited has proposed investment of Rs.15000 Crore and the Adhunik Corporation is investing Rs.7200 Crore for their steel, power and cement manufacturing units coming up at Purulia.

Financial Condition

· Some interested quarters often scandalize the West Bengal Government in regard to the quantum of borrowings of the State. The fact is that at the close of 2009-10 the accrued loans of the State stood at Rs. 169000 Crore. This includes the cumulative effect of borrowings since the 1950s - much before the Left Front Government took over. Moreover, such loan accumulations are inevitable in the context of the economic policies pursued by the Union Government.

· The accrued Loans of the Union Government in the corresponding period is estimated to be around Rs. 3500000 Crore (Source: Economic Review, Government of India – 2009-10).

· Information released by the Reserve Bank of India in February 2010 indicates that the loan burden of the U.P. Government is Rs.221000 Crore. Maharashtra has a loan burden of Rs. 208000 Crore. Substantial Loans have also been secured by the Andhra Pradesh and Gujarat Governments.

· According to Reserve Bank of India, West Bengal ranks fourth among the large states in regard to the Credit-Revenue Ratio and it occupies the eleventh position among 28 States.

· The Credit-Revenue Ratio was 48% five years ago, but it has now subsided to 41% only. The corresponding figure for Government of India is as high as 56%.

Wednesday, September 10, 2008

Issues regarding Industrialisation in West Bengal Industrial land Use

The dismantling of the industrial licensing regime accompanied by various
other liberalization policies from the early 1990s has given the State an opportunity to
boost industrial growth, private investment and employment generation and at the
same time, has created an environment of competition among different States. This
has put a tremendous responsibility on the State Government to adopt appropriate
steps in order to bring about rapid industrialization in West Bengal. Aware of the
opportunities for industrial growth likely to be created in West Bengal, the
Government of West Bengal has been pursuing policies for overall economic
development of the State with a view to achieving growth with equity and social
justice. The State’s Industrial Policy was announced in 1994 with an aim to achieve a
faster industrial development. It encourages private sector investment and envisages
the role of Government as a facilitator of this process.


It should first be noted that the State Government’s policies for land reform
from the late 1970s have made a significant impact on the stagnant food production
scenario. The average annual growth of food output1 during 1980-95 was 5.03 %
compared to 1.22 % during 1970-80. However, the rate of growth of agricultural
output over time has been affected by increasingly dwindling size of per capita
holding of farm land which has come down from 1.20 hectares in 1970-71 to 0.82
hectares in 2000-012, and is thus proving to be economically unviable to sustain a
family. The average size of land holding appears to be one of the smallest amongst the
states and much below the national average of 1.41 hectares.

The recent growth path of the West Bengal economy depicts a picture of
falling share of agriculture in total SDP (State Domestic Product)3 from 27.48% in
1999-2000 to 21.82% in 2005-06 followed by a relatively steady growth of secondary
sector from 14.85% to 16.93%. The share of the tertiary sector has increased from
52.27% to 56.17% over the same period. At the same time, it is felt that the increase
in the services sector cannot be sustained over a long period without an increase in
manufacturing activity.


The last decade had witnessed a steady growth of SDP in the State with all the
key sectors including infrastructure having recorded a significant growth over the last
10 years. The SDP1 recorded a compound annual growth of 7.07 % during 1993-94 to
2003-04 as against the all India GDP growth of 6.23 %. However, in the last two
years, the rate of growth of the State has fallen slightly behind the all-India rate. The
rural economy has witnessed a phase of distinct shift in occupational pattern and life
style which is reflected in the pattern of per capita consumption of non-food items and
also an increasing aspiration towards school and higher education.

The 2001 census reveals that there has been a shift in the occupation pattern of
the main workers in relation to 1991 census data thereby reflecting diversification in
economic activities in the rural economy. The share of cultivators in total main
workers decreased from 30.2 % in 1991 to 20.85 % in 2001. While the share of
agricultural labourers has remained more or less static around 22.7 %, the same for
other workers has increased from 44.3 % to 52.7 % during the same period.

Growth of Industry in West Bengal, post 1991

From 1991 to 2006, 1,439 projects in the medium and large industry sector
involving an investment of Rs. 32,632 crores have been implemented in the State.
The number of industrial approvals granted by the Secretariat of Industrial Approvals,
Govt. of India, from January 2000 to December 2006 stood at 2858 with a proposed
investment of about Rs. 83,858 crores

It may be mentioned that for most of the industrial projects implemented in the
State, land for industries has been mostly purchased by the entrepreneurs directly
from the landowners. The State Government has in recent times also attempted to
carry out direct purchase of land for setting up industrial clusters. The process of
obtaining land through direct purchase has shown a mixed outcome.

The process of direct purchase adopted by the State Government was to set up
a consultative process involving local representatives and local district officials, to
identify land, and develop a consensus on the price of the land. The actual process of
purchase began after such a consensus was reached at. This process yielded the
desired results in the case of the Food and Poly Parks at Sankrail in Howrah district,
the Plasto-Steel Park at Barjora in the Bankura district and industries in Khargapur.


However, the same process ran into problems in the case of the Foundry Park and
Rubber Park in Howrah district due to resistance from various private interests which
had already purchased some of the identified lands across the project area and along
the roads. The inability to buy these plots through direct purchase meant that the road
frontage of the industrial park and contiguity of the plots were adversely affected.
Finally, in order to complete the process of arranging the land, the Government had to
take recourse to the LA Act, to acquire the intervening plots and plots abutting the
road.

However, the State Government’s assistance in the form of acquisition is
required in the case of large projects, where the requirement of land is large.
Examples are the Tata small car project, and the various steel plant projects in the
pipeline. Similarly, in today’s competitive environment, the Small and Medium
Enterprises (SMEs) need to reduce their cost of operation, thereby helping them to
function in a competitive manner and at the same time comply with environmental
norms. Therefore, setting up of small industrial clusters for SMEs, with shared
common facilities, enhances their competitiveness. Government has to step in to
acquire the land and set up these clusters with the necessary common facilities and
infrastructure.

At the same time, many of the existing SMEs may run into environmental
problems in their existing locations, which have become urbanized. Since these
industries would need to relocate to new, environment friendly industrial parks and
obtain environment clearance, it becomes necessary for the State Government to assist
them in the acquisition of land.

There has been a significant investment in the IT and ITeS sectors in West
Bengal. Major players such as Infosys, Wipro, ICICI Bank, ITC Infotech and foreign
companies have evinced interest in setting up IT and ITeS facilities, and most of them
wish to locate in the Greater Kolkata area. Since it is accepted that this sector is also
an engine of growth and employment, the State Government also has to arrange land
in the Greater Kolkata area for this sector.

The projects in pipeline involving large investments in manufacturing sector
for setting up modern and environment friendly production facilities will require large
tracts of land. Moreover, it is always not possible for every industry to locate in a
particular site. Decisions regarding location are based on a number of factors. In
addition to availability of land, quality infrastructure in terms of road and rail
connectivity (as well as proximity to a port for many industries), adequate supply of
water and power, as well as proximity to markets and urban centers are required for
successful implementation of projects within a definite time frame. In order to avoid
the complicated process of purchase of land from a large number of owners and
compliance with existing land laws of the State especially pertaining to land ceiling it
may be necessary for the State Government to acquire the land required to set up
industries.

In the last few years, the State Government has been assisting entrepreneurs to
obtain land through the process of acquisition as well as direct purchase. The State
Government acquired 2102.39 acres along with direct purchase of 1934 acres of land
for setting up industries in the last three years.

In West Bengal, the net sown area1 is 62 % of total reported land area while
another 13.48% in under forest, and 18.52 % is already under non-agricultural use.
The total land in the categories of barren and uncultivable land; permanent pasture
and other grazing land; land under trees and groves not covered in net sown area; and
culturable waste land together add up to 1.42%, (of which culturable waste alone is
0.40 %). For the country as a whole, the percentage of net sown area is 46.07%, while
the percentage of land under categories of barren and uncultivable land; permanent
pasture and other grazing land; land under trees and groves not covered in net sown
area; and culturable waste land together add up to 15.41% (of which culturable waste
is 4.46%).

To minimize usage of agricultural land for industrial use and to achieve a
balanced and sustainable industrial growth, the State Government is seeking to
implement a policy for location of industries in a manner so as to maximize use of
uncultivable land, locate industries in backward areas of the State, develop industrial
clusters thereby using common infrastructure and optimizing available resources. The
State Government is conducting a field survey on the vested land available as per
records and assessing its viability for industrial usage keeping in view its size,
location, contiguity and availability of infrastructure. The State Government is also
trying to use the land locked up in closed and sick industries keeping in view the legal
issues and other complications.


A Policy for Location of Industries:

In pre-independence times, the industrial development in West Bengal centered
around Howrah, Hooghly, Asansol and Barrackpore due to connectivity through rail,
road and river and availability of raw materials. In North Bengal, industrial
development has been mostly confined to tea industry and some food processing
activities in Darjeeling and Jalpaiguri. Thereafter, industrial growth has concentrated
first in Durgapur and then in Haldia. That Haldia would develop as one of West
Bengal’s largest industrial areas was clear once it was decided, in the late 1960s, to
set up the Haldia Dock Complex. Proximity to a port has always been a major factor
in deciding location of large industries.

In order to facilitate planned industrial development, some industrial parks
have in the meanwhile already been developed by the State Government such as
Kolkata Leather Complex; Shilpangan in Salt Lake for light engineering goods;
Paridhan - the Garment Park in Beliaghata, for apparel and garment manufacturing
units; Manikanchan SEZ in Salt Lake for gems and jewellery units; Food Park and
Poly Park in Sankrail in Howrah district; and the Plasto-Steel Park in Barjora in
Bankura district. It is estimated that more such planned industrial parks are required
to accommodate medium sized industries of the State. Growth Centres, i.e., large
industrial estates, have been set up at Kalyani, Kharagpur, Falta, Uluberia, Haldia,
Bishnupur, Raninagar, Dabgram, Malda, Cooch Behar, Jalpaiguri and Bolpur.
Similarly, the MSE&T Department has set up industrial estates in different parts of
the State for the small-scale industries. More such parks are planned by the C&I
Department and the MSE&T Department.

In order to create a balanced and sustainable industrial growth in the State and
maximize the use of uncultivable land in the State, it is felt that some parts of the
State can be identified as industrial growth poles, because of factors such as
availability of non-agricultural land, historical industrial presence, and availability of
good infrastructure. This will mean optimal use of the existing industrial
infrastructure, and upgradation of infrastructure where required, and facilitate/create
new industrial infrastructure for projects in backward areas.

It is proposed by the State Government that these focal areas of industry can
be: (i) Haldia; (ii) Asansol-Durgapur and contiguous areas of Bankura and Purulia
across the Damodar river; (iii) Howrah-Hooghly; (iv) Barrackpore; (v) Kharagpur-
Jhargram; (vi) Siliguri-Jalpaiguri; and (vii) Kalyani. At the same time, it is also
proposed to develop small industrial clusters in all districts of the State to meet the
requirements of the SME sector and to create employment opportunities in all
districts.

1 Estimates of Area & Production of Principal Crops in West Bengal, 2002-03
2 Agricultural Census Report, 2000-01
3 Annual Review of West Bengal Economy,2004-05,CMIE
4 Annual Review of West Bengal Economy:2003-04
5 Annual Report, Commerce & Industries Department, Govt. of West Bengal
6 Status on Land, published by the Land &Land Reforms Department, Govt. of West Bengal

SOURCE: www.wbidc.com

Monday, September 1, 2008

Why This Agitation In Singur?




By Nirupam Sen
THE Trinamul Congress is at it again. It has re-embarked in its familiar role of creating chaos over the small car factory project of Tata Motors in Singur. A so-called movement to save land is crossing democratic boundaries and fomenting violence. A technician working on the project was roughed up with iron rods recently. He had to be hospitalised in a serious condition. A few days ago, another worker was attacked on his way home from the project site. The workers in the Nano factory, who live in rented accommodation in the area, are being subjected to threats to vacate their lodgings; even the owners who have rented out such accommodation are not being spared. On the way to the factory site or on their way back after work, workers are being intimidated, threatened and beaten up regularly. Public announcements are being made telling the workers to stay away from the project. The Trinamul Congress is now making the workers their soft target, with the aim of scuttling the project.


This small car project has drawn attention and created enthusiasm not only in the state of West Bengal, but also in India, and worldwide. The aim of the project to manufacture a low cost small car has generated amazement. Huge work is going on in Singur around this project. Thousands of workers, engineers, and technicians are involved in this project round the clock. It has had a major impact on the local economy. Shops, markets and banks have sprung up in the area. A few days ago, the car manufacturing giant MUL (Maruti Udyog Ltd) had organized a car fair in Singur. A report confirmed that they managed to sell as many as 20 vehicles in a single day. A few months ago, a newspaper reported a huge hike in motorcycle sale in that region. These examples clearly highlight the impact of the project on the lifestyles of the people in that area, even before the start of actual production. Numerous local workers are working at the site, along with workers from different parts of the state.


UNPARALLEL EFFORT FOR EMPLOYMENT


The state government, after discussion with Tata Motors, and the other ancillary industries involved in the project, has drawn up a vast plan to employ the youths of the families who lost their land for this project. Advertisements were put up for various job-oriented training programmes for younger family members of those whose land had been acquired. A large number of youths enrolled their names, and till date, 2793 young men and women are there on the roll. Moreover, 575 others, from landless families, are on the list. Steps are being taken to provide them with suitable training according to their qualifications, and to employ them on completion of training. Out of these, 855 are women. A significant section among these people is already employed in different sectors. More than 900 youths, both men and women, are already part of different rehabilitation projects. The programme to provide employment to the rest is also on. Women have formed self-help groups to run canteens. 40 local women are learning tailoring; preparations are on to provide them with sewing machines. Tata Motors has sent the majority of ITI trained persons in the area to their Tatanagar and Pune factories for advanced training. Preparations are on to provide training to those who are less educated, poor and land-less to enable them to work as car drivers and security and maintenance staff. Efforts are on to employ them not just in the main factory, but also in the ancillary units. There are also plans of assistance in place for those who want to pursue self-help. I do not know of such a wide range of effort even before the start of production in a factory in any other state of India.


Tata Motors recently announced that the construction is on schedule, and will be completed within one or two months. The preparations to create disruption around the project were timed just after this announcement. The aim is to tarnish West Bengal’s image in front of the country and the wider world since attention is focused on this project. The unfortunate truth is that, a section of the media in the state is party to this ill venture.


AIM TO SCUTTLE THE PROJECT


Are the demands raised by the Trinamul Congress or the so-called ‘Bhoomi Uchchhed Pratirodh Committee’ (Committee to Resist Land Acquisition) at all realistic? The demand is to restore the land that has been acquired to the so-called ‘unwilling’ farmers. It is a fact that quite a few landowners are yet to accept the sum offered as compensation. A total of 997.11 acres of land have been acquired. Eleven thousand owners of 690.79 acres of lands have accepted their payments. Owners of roughly 300 acres of lands are yet to accept the compensation. The number of these owners may be a little more than 1100. This data clarifies that the overwhelming majority of the landowners have accepted their payments. Out of those who have not accepted compensation, many could not do so due to legal complications around ownership issues. If we assume for the sake of argument that all those who did not accept the payments for their land are ‘unwilling’, is it possible to release their land after acquisition? The lands of those ‘unwilling’ landowners are not contiguous plots; rather these are small plots spread all around the project area. Even a child will understand that releasing those plots will mean dumping the whole project. It may be argued that equivalent amount of land from one side of the project site be released in lieu of the plots. This is not only illogical, but also unfair. This means A, who is ‘unwilling’ will have to be transferred the land of say B, who voluntarily sold the land. Why should B accept that? B could argue that if her/his land is not required for the purpose of industry, the land must be returned to her/him. This is impossible both legally and morally. There had been legal battles over these types of issues in the country’s highest courts. The Supreme Court had given a clear verdict in this regard, which says, a piece of land cannot be returned to its previous owner once it has been acquired. Even if the acquired land could not be used for the purpose it was intended to, it must be used for purposes related to public interest. Excess land, if any, may be auctioned by the government to the highest bidder. These directives are stated in the verdicts against civil appeals No. 6456 and 4113 of years 1999 and 2000 respectively. In a case between the state of Kerala versus N Bhaskar Pillai and others, the question emerged, “whether the government can assign the land to the erstwhile owner.” The Supreme Court in its verdict in 2004 said, “It is a settled law that if the land is acquired for a public purpose, after the public purpose was achieved, the rest of the land could be used for any other public purpose. In case there is not other public purpose for which the land is needed, then instead of disposal by way of sale to the erstwhile owners the land should be put to public auction, and the amount fetched through the public auction can be better utilised for the public purpose envisaged in the directive principles of the Constitution.” So, it is not a hard task to understand the motives of those who are raising demands for return of land that has been already acquired. They want to scuttle the project in its totality. The so-called ‘movement’ at present is being driven with this aim. There is no scope of doubt about this.


LAND ACQUIRED IS LESS THAN REQUIRED


It is being said that the amount of land acquired is much more than the actual amount required for a motor-vehicle factory. It is a well-known fact that land was acquired not only for the main factory, but also for some 55 small to medium ancillary units. Those who are involved in contemporary motor-vehicle manufacture know the requirements of this composition of main and ancillary industries. The specialist organisation set up by the central government, NATRIP [National Automotive and Research and Development Infrastructure Project (http://www.natrip.in/)] has framed some concrete proposals regarding the amount of land required for this kind of project. According to NATRIP, a main plant capable of producing one lakh (hundred thousand) cars per annum would need 450 acres of land. A 25 per cent increment of land has been proposed for each lakh units of production thereafter. This proposal excludes the amount of land required for the ancillary units which will manufacture the spare parts. Tata Motors has projected to produce 3.5 lakh cars per annum. So, they would have needed a lot more land for their main plant itself, according to the NATRIP proposal. In this case, around 645 acres of land has been allotted for the main plant. Around 250 acres of land has been allotted for the ancillaries. It should be noted that the Maruti factory at Gurgaon is on 650 acres of land, and their ancillaries are spread over another 600 acres of land, producing the same 3.5 lakh cars per annum. This is a total of 1250 acres in contrast with the 997.11 acres of land allotted for the Tata project in Singur. So, it is clear that the amount of acquired land is less than the actual requirement.


ACCEPTABLE SOLUTION NEEDED


Despite all these facts and figures, the state government wants a steady and acceptable solution in this regard based on discussions with all concerned. If the opposition party’s main goal is to financially rehabilitate the poor and marginal farmers, solutions can be worked out through dialogue. The state government will definitely stand by those who are completely dependent on their land, and might lose all they have as a result of land acquisition. In this case, discussions can surely be pursued for their alternate economic rehabilitation. Issues concerning the overall development of the area also need to be considered. The goal is to accelerate and implement the possibilities of industrialisation in this state. Help from one and all is needed in this regard. A lot of effort and help from a great mass of people is needed to do anything constructive. But to destroy, a few people are enough. No political party of the state thinks that the state does not need to industrialise. Despite this, the behaviour of the chief opposition party and some of the other smaller political outfits is against any process of development and employment generation. They are eager to project a negative and destructive movement as a democratic one. All democratic people should vocalise their opposition to such negative directionless movements.

Wednesday, July 30, 2008

BUDDHADEB BHATTACHARJEE ON WEST BENGAL LF GOVT COMPLETES 31 YEARS IN OFFICE


'We Must Clearly Spell Out Our Policy Of
Land Acquisition & Rehabilitation': Buddhadeb


West Bengal chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee recently spoke to Ganashakti on a variety of developmental issues that are reflected in the policies of the Left Front government. During the course of the interview given on the occasion of Left Front government completing 31 years in office, Buddhadeb also commented on the Darjeeling developments.

Special successes

The focal point of success of the Bengal Left Front government is the regime of redistributive land reforms because of which the rural poor is in possession of land parcels of varying sizes. The success has been achieved through a series of hard struggles and not merely through administrative regulations. The work of the administration also comprised the physical transfer of land rights in the shape of patta deeds to the rural poor and the landless.

Around 84 per cent of the total mass of agricultural land (amounting to 1.35 crore acres) is in the hands of the rural poor. There has also been the setting up and the running of panchayati raj institutions. The panchayats could be organised and run by the rural people because the land belongs to them now. This has in turn influenced the great success we have had in agricultural production. We lead the country in terms of producing rice, jute, potato, vegetables, fruits, flowers etc.

On the opposition to industrialisation

We gave a slogan that we shall consolidate our successes in agriculture and on that foundation shall build up industries. This was done as part of the pre-election call in 2006. Certainly, the people had agreed to the implicational content of the slogan that we raised. Nevertheless, the transition was never an easy task. We frankly expected opposition to be forthcoming as a compulsion from those whose land would be transferred. Thus, the task now is that we clear up further the issues affecting land acquisition and rehabilitation.

Consensus on the issue of development

The task of land reforms and transfer of land to the kisans and the rural poor was certainly done based on the widest possible consensus. The consensus was available because the programme was of anti-zamindar character and was also an exercise in democracy. However, on the issue of private capital that is connected with the process of industrialisation (we do not have any viable alternative to this) a confusion has been created amongst the ranks of the opposition parties, the LF constituents, and even amongst a section of the mass of the people.

At the same time, there is consensus in that everybody would say that they, too, would like to welcome industrialisation, and that they do not stand opposed to it. The debate is principally built up around the mode and method adopted. We have to reach a consensus here through discussion. We are fully seized of the indecision that the LF constituents are affected by on the question of private capital, big capital, and capital of the MNCs.

On the confusion among the poor

The orientation and direction of every programme of the LF government is towards the welfare of the working people who are poor. This is our major difference with other state governments.
We have always held that the Left alternatives of the Left Front government comprise:

* Land reforms, panchayati institutions etc
*Industrialisation aimed at increase of employment, with emphasis on the manufacturing sector and on the small and middle-level industries
*Total literacy, total health, self-help groups, social security especially for unorganised workers etc

These are the directions of our programmes. It is true nonetheless that despite all this, we are not able to reach out to every section of the poor. The state government, the panchayati raj bodies, the municipalities, and especially the Party must specially look to this on a basis of urgency.

On the reduction of mass support

We are presently in the midst of going about a comprehensive review of the results of the rural polls. The preliminary review has revealed that there are several common reasons why our support was eroded where it did. These include, for example, weaknesses of the Party and the mass organisations, the disunity amongst LF constituent partners, the weakness of our campaign against the propaganda of the opposition, and above all, the spread of a baseless fear on the issue of land acquisition. We have to discuss thoroughly all these issues before fixing our next steps.

Darjeeling issue

We have to proceed with great caution and patience in dealing with the Darjeeling problem for the issue is very sensitive and is also connected with the question of nationality. A political solution must be found through discussions. We can and shall remain, solidly bonded together - the people of the hills and the people of the plains.


The basic pre-condition of development is peace and amity. The avenues of discussion with the leadership of the Darjeeling agitation must be kept open. We have kept the union government aware of the issue on behalf of the state LF government. The resolution of the issue, as we have said, must be forthcoming through an amicable discourse.


PEOPLE’S DEMOCRACY, June 29 , 2008

BIMAN BASU ON BENGAL LF GOVT COMPLETES 31 YEARS IN OFFICE


Forward To A Much Closer Relationship With Masses


Biman Basu


THE Bengal Left Front government has stepped step into its 32nd year of pro-people, especially pro-poor existence. The precise date is June 21 and this is an important landmark this year for a rather different reason. I shall explain the 'reasons why' I say this.


Earlier in the year in May, the panchayat general elections were held in Bengal as per schedule. The flow of political events and developments that fulminated around the rural polls, however, were certainly a bit different from what had happened on similar occasions in the past.


We admit that during each of the rural elections held earlier, the compromise / understanding amongst Left Front constituents in the matter of 'adjustments' of seats is never finalised fully and comprehensively. This year was unique in a different way. First, the actual number of seats mostly at the level of the Gram Panchayats (GP), and less so at the other two tiers of Panchayat Samity (PS) and Zillah Parishad (ZP), had gone down.


This set up a regime of ground-level difficulties to some extent in the formation of a deep understanding amongst the Left Front constituents. Second, there did develop with persistence some political difference among the LF parties. As a result, the work of election campaign based on the consensually-adopted electoral manifesto of the LF faced some amount of impediment.
On the other hand, a strange 'cocktail' (if I may use the term) was mixed up to serve as the 'Bengal opposition' comprising the whole range of forces - from the extreme right to those on the sectarian left and almost everything in between, including forces of religious fundamentalism.


There was a conscious effort on the part of some of the opposition constituents to ensure that there was a one-against-one electoral fight for as many seats as possible, come the rural polls.
The strategy of 'one-against-one' did not quite succeed at the level of the ZP. Nevertheless, some amount of success in this matter could be chalked up in two other layers of the Panchayati structure. The opposition may not have had enough of popular support. Nonetheless, they could utilise to the hilt, in a desperate move, the lack of understanding at the electoral level amongst the LF constituents enough to mark up successes.


STRENGTHENING LEFT UNITY


We have been fully seized of the situational reality. We have commenced right away the task of ameliorating the differences amongst the LF partners at the level of the districts as also to an extent at the state level. Meetings of the Left Front in the post-election situation have resolved that we must consolidate the agricultural achievements of Bengal, widen the arena of cropping, go in for more diversification - and continue with the policy of industrialisation.


Industries cannot very well be set up in the sky or produced in a vacuum. Thus, we must succeed in earning the trust and the confidence of the people of the area where such industries would be set up. In other words, we have to exert prudence and go forth without an undue rush in the task of identifying the industrial zones and implementing the policy of industrialisation.
Every constituent partner who goes to make up the Left Front must understand and realise the manner in which the principal opposition outfit and other opposition entities have based their anti-LF and anti-LF government campaign on fictitious tales, utter lies, and vile slandering. What led a section of the people to misunderstand the situational reality is the nature of lie campaign of the opposition to bolster which they even produced a plethora of CDs and had these widely distributed and put on show.


We have in the past heard of large sums of money being spent by the bourgeois parties during elections. We witnessed such an occurrence in Bengal this year during the rural polls.


Thus, what we have to do, all the Left Front constituents including our Party, is to keep in mind the experience of setting up rural governance in Bengal, and become involved in a wide programme aimed at building up an even more intimate relationship with the rural masses than at present. We must be also concerned in the endeavour to brighten our image by becoming a part-and-parcel of the daily lives and livelihoods, the sorrows and the happiness of the rural masses.


We must get over our faults and weaknesses and must never be self-satisfied at winning 13 of the 17 ZPs contested. Perhaps there is not a single district where the leadership has become self-satisfied. We have already commenced a serious analysis-and-review of the results of the panchayat elections. When the exercise is completed, we shall draw the correct lessons from it, and we shall bring about changes in our style of functioning as appropriate.


REACTIONARY FORCES PLAN


As the Left Front steps into its 32nd year we must not let slip from our consciousness even for a moment that the forces of reaction here and abroad do not want that the CPI(M)-led Left Front government in Bengal - the forward outpost of democratic movements of the country - implement its programme with success. Especially those who want to compromise India's national interests by acceding to the India-US nuclear agreement cannot digest or tolerate the fact that a large bulk of MPs representing the Left in the parliament are from Bengal.


That is the reason why these unholy forces would not hesitate to resort to various opportunistic tactics to weaken the support base of the Left amongst the people of Bengal. Former US ambassador to India, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, has noted in his book, A Dangerous Place, that the US administration interfered twice in Indian political developments. Once by pouring in funds once to pull down the EMS Namboodiripad-led first Communist government on the country in Kerala in 1959, and again to curtail the strength of the communists in Bengal in 1971. Who knows that someone else may not write in the future about how funds were put in place through a variety of tactical moves via an array of institutions of various forms and norms, to chip away at the vigour of the communists and the Left in Bengal.


In all probability, very many foreign agencies and forces have joined in the merriment of the forces of reaction in the country at the creating of a kind of rift within the Bengal Left Front. The agitation now organised by Gurung's outfit in Darjeeling is a repeat of the same by Ghising's GNLF in the 1980s. When Jyoti Basu the then Bengal chief minister had convened an all-party meeting for resolution of the Darjeeling issue in 1986-1986, he would not invite the GNLF because the latter was not a political party. No questions were raised then.


Yet, some questions were in the offing when the present Bengal chief minister Buddhadeb convened an all-party meeting, and not invited the GJM precisely for the same reason. The principal opposition party absented itself from the meeting. Can anyone in his right mind think that these developments are spontaneous and are taking place without a conspiratorial background?


We have to keep in mind all the while that the Left Front has been in office for over three decades - a very long time. Those who had only seen the Left Front government in action while growing up did not have the opportunity to compare this pro-people government with the anti-people functioning of the governments that were in office earlier and which represented the forces of reaction.


LF GOVT SUCCESSES


The newer generation cannot know that during those dangerous years, there was an intense shortage of food, and strongly-organised food movements took place every year as the people's protest, and faced repression of the worst kind. It is very important to make the newer generation aware of the role of land reforms and agrarian development under the Left Front government that has led to the tangible success achieved in the field of agriculture.
How would the new generation, again, be aware of the fact that there had been in place earlier a policy that squeezed out rather than expand the scope and field of education. Whatever the drawback of the present health delivery system, can anyone deny the fact that the health services have had a wide expansion and that 70 per cent of the people receive treatment from government-run hospitals and health centres - something simply unimaginable earlier?


The media would make a huge brouhaha, conflate, and run as a principal theme any small mishap or unfortunate slip-up that might occur in the health delivery system. How can they compare the thousands of deaths earlier for lack of health facilities, and the present attempt to establish sad exceptions as the main subject to be headlined, again, and again! The present generation might well think that the newer precedence being set in the task of lessening of delivery death and the curing of sick children through proper scientific treatment under the LF governance had always been there. There is not enough publicity given to the programmes put in place for the nutritive growth of the mother and the child. The LF government has also succeeded in ensuring the supply of potable drinking water across Bengal.


In a word, not everyone is equally aware of the drive of the Left Front government towards improvement of the human development index. It is very important to organise a wide publicity campaign of the precedence-making work of the Bengal Left Front government in the light of, for example, Gunnar Myrdal's classical work, the Asian Drama, especially the chapter headed as the 'Poverty Challenge in India,' and the commentary of Dr Amartya Sen made from time-to-time on the human development index in general in India.


I have highlighted a few indices of successes, tangible, proven successes. Nevertheless, this must not be taken to construe the fact that we have not committed errors and mistakes during this long and struggling existence of over 30 years. We need to identify the real mistakes that we have committed, and we must correct them and prove thereby our transparency to the mass of the people of Bengal.


Instead of striving to display how transparent we are, it would be a much better alternative, I believe, to prove through action how we do function with transparency. This must be established in the hearts-and-minds of the people. We recall all the time that the society we evolve in contains filth, lust, and hankering. The main line of thinking appears to be that 'think only about yourself as an individual - there is really no need to spare even a moment for the country, for the people, and for the society.'


The people who observe the reality through a class perspective and who think and ponder about the exploited, the downtrodden, and the poor, are gradually straying on the fringe of minority. We cannot ignore the set of men and women who have seats of comfort atop ivory towers, spill occasionally a few good words posing as the friends of the immiserised and impoverished people, and argue fiercely in favour of a society based on the immutable laws of merciless exploitation.
Thus, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and the Left Front must pledge, in the whole range from the leadership to the workers, to make themselves part of the process to be more and more acceptable to the people. In order to achieve success in this line of tasks, we must not allow ourselves to be victims of the process of thinking that 'we understand everything, and it devolves on us to convince the people.' Our duty is to learn from the people. An appropriate ambience must be built up for this to be a reality.


We must take a solemn pledge as the Left Front and the Left Front government enter the 32nd year, that we have associated ourselves in the political process not for our own sake but for the sake and interest of the people and the nation. Thus, we need to shun all forms of egoistic thinking and behaviour, eschew self-importance, and win over the hearts-and-minds of the working class, the working people, and all sections of the poor through engaging them in conversational discourses in their daily struggles for existence, and proceed towards the greater tasks that lie ahead.


PEOPLE’S DEMOCRACY, June 29 , 2008

Thursday, July 24, 2008

CHANGING PHASE IN WEST BENGAL

West Bengal charts its unique path
to progress and prosperity,
despite impediments.



IN 2001, when Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee was chosen to succeed the veteran Marxist Jyoti Basu as the Chief Minister of West Bengal the change of guard itself was perceived as a change of government. And when the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front won the Assembly elections by an overwhelming majority for an unprecedented sixth consecutive time, defying the anti-incumbency factor, "do it now" became the new buzzword and the air was full of hope and promise.


Suddenly, West Bengal became the happening place; it was no longer a "graveyard for industries" or the last choice of an investor. Cynics just sat back and watched the process of transformation.


The State registered a consistent growth in real State Domestic Product (SDP) at over 7 per cent in the last few years. Despite being one of the most populous States in India, with the highest population density, it is ranked high in terms of growth in per capita income. In 2004-05, it achieved a growth in per capita income of 5.72 per cent, as against the national rate of 5.2 per cent recorded in the same period. A look at the industrial approvals and investments over the last 15 years will give a fair idea x about the rising popularity of the State among entrepreneurs.
The number of approvals of the Industry Entrepreneur Memorandum (EIM) indicates a rise from 99 in 1991 to 410 in 2005. The number of projects implemented has increased from 26 in 1991 to 227 in 2005. Foreign direct investment (FDI) in fiscal 2005-06, according to the Annual Report of the State government, was worth $119 million. The investors included those from the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, Japan, Switzerland, Singapore, Malaysia and Hong Kong. Significant achievements have been made in the traditional sectors of iron and steel and petrochemicals and in the sunrise sectors of Information Technology (IT) and IT-enabled services.


The growth of the iron and steel industry in the State can be attributed to certain inherent advantages it enjoys, that is, proximity to raw materials, skilled manpower, port facilities, sufficient availability of power and a huge market for steel products. From 1991 to 2004, as many as 243 new iron and steel units were set up in the State. In the past four years, 108 projects were implemented. Some of the major players in this sector are the Durgapur Steel Plant and the Alloy Steel Plant of the public sector giant Steel Authority of India Ltd (SAIL); Electro Steel Casting, the largest producer of spun-iron pipes in the subcontinent; Gontermann Peipers, the second largest producer of iron- and steel-based rolls in the country; Bhushan Ltd, and Vesuvius India Ltd. The State government has devised a number of policies to encourage the growth of this sector, with a focus to achieve global competitiveness not only in terms of cost, quality and product mix, but also in efficiency and productivity.


INDUSTRIAL HUB


In Haldia, the port city which caters to national and international giants such as the Indian Oil Corporation, Haldia Petrochemicals Ltd, Mitsubishi Chemical Corporation, Hindustan Fertilizer Corporation Ltd, Tata Chemicals and Exide Industries, a mega chemical industrial estate, spread over 10,000 acres (1 acre = 0.4 hectare) has been proposed. The Salim Group of Indonesia is slated to start a multi-product Special Economic Zone (SEZ), spread over 12,500 acres, in near Haldia. The other industrial hubs of the State include the Kolkata Metropolitan Development Area, the mineral-rich Asansol-Durgapur region and Kharagpur, which is home to a large number of engineering industries.


Seeking to tap the enormous potential for growth in the biotechnology sector, the West Bengal Industrial Development Corporation (WBIDC) is planning to set up a Biotechnology Park in Kalaikunda near Kharagpur in collaboration with the Indian Institute of Technology -Kharagpur. The State has traditionally had a climate conducive for the growth of engineering industries. Apart from Hindustan Motors, which entered into a collaboration agreement with Mitsubishi of Japan recently, Tata Motors is expected to start its small car-manufacturing unit at Singur in Hooghly district. The Tata project is expected to give a shot in the arm to the State's industrialisation drive, by facilitating the development of first-tier ancillary units that will supply components necessary for x car production. The Tatas will be setting up an equipment-manufacturing unit in Kharagpur.


Other companies such as Ashok Leyland have also evinced interest in setting up manufacturing units in the State. Another important project is that of the Salim Group's motorcycle plant at Uluberia in Howrah district. The Calcutta Leather Complex, spread over 1,100 acres at Bantola, became operational in July 2005, with its infrastructure including a common effluent treatment plant and a common chrome recovery plant. More than 160 tanneries have either completed or are close to completing construction work. As of mid-2006, 75 tanneries were operational, of which 32 were new ones. It is important to note that West Bengal is one of the leading States in the export of finished leather goods, accounting for almost 25 per cent of the country's leather exports.


The State government is also actively promoting micro and small industries in handicraft, handlooms, textiles, sericulture, khadi and village industries. Over 314,000 registered small enterprises operate in the State, employing more than two million people. The State government has adopted a multi-pronged strategy that offers a mix of institutional, marketing and infrastructure support to the sector.


Apart from rail, road and air connectivity to the rest of the country and prime locations of the world, West Bengal has two modern ports located in Kolkata and Haldia. Together they handled 52.03 million tonnes of cargo in 2005-06, the second highest in the country. The ports are being modernised. A new 3,000-acre port-cum-SEZ, in collaboration with Peninsular & Oriental Ports Ltd, is being planned at Kulpi.


SOCIAL INFRASTRUCTURE


As far as social infrastructure is concerned, the State with its public and civic amenities, and its rich heritage of art, education and culture, offers several educational and social opportunities. West Bengal's educational network consists of more than 66,925 primary schools, 3,159 secondary schools and 9,659 high schools and higher secondary schools. The number of Sishu Siksha Kendras, as on November 2005, stands at 16,117. Apart from important institutions such as Calcutta University, Jadavpur University, the Presidency and St. Xaviers colleges, IIT-Kharagpur, The Indian Institute of Management, Kolkata, and the Indian Statistical Institute, Kolkata, the State has eminent research institutes such as the Saha Institute, the Bose Institute, the Indian Association for Cultivation of Science and the Indian Institute of Chemical Biology.
Census 2001 estimated West Bengal's literacy rate at over 69 per cent as against the national average of 65 per cent.


The State's health care industry is competitive in terms of cost and quality, and is rapidly emerging as a destination for foreign medical tourists. West Bengal's network of health care facilities comprises 433 government and non-government hospitals, and 12,057 health units. There are nine medical colleges in the State and a Health City, which will have medical colleges, nursing institutions, technical training centres and hospital management schools, is being constructed near Kolkata. The State has performed x well in the area of improving life expectancy at birth. According to West Bengal Economic Review, 2005-06, life expectancy at birth stood at 66.08 per cent for males and 69.34 per cent for females, as against the national figures of 64.11 per cent and 65.43 per cent during 2005-06.


RAPID URBANISATION


With the steady economic growth in terms of net SDP and per capita income, which has resulted in the creation of higher disposable incomes for a large number of people, it comes as little surprise that West Bengal is the third largest State in terms of savings with commercial banks x accounting for around Rs.854.8 billion. With 60 per cent of the population under 30 years of age, the trend is towards rapid urbanisation. As per Census 2001, the urban population of West Bengal is around 28 per cent, as against the national average of 27 per cent.


All these factors, along with the rise in income level and the unprecedented growth in the service sector, which alone accounts for 57.15 per cent of the SDP, have naturally created greater expectations among people for quality goods and services. Apart from Kolkata, which has a consumer profile of around 10 million, urban markets such as Siliguri, Durgapur, Asansol and Maldah have been showing an upward trend.


The growth in the retail sector has encouraged the mushrooming of swanky shopping complexes and malls, particularly in Kolkata. Retail giants such as Pantaloons Westside, Emami, Shoppers' Stop, Forum and Big Bazaar have set up shop in the State. This has not gone unnoticed by global players such as the French Carrefour, the German Metro AG, and Wal-Mart and McDonald's of the U.S., who are waiting to grab a piece of the retail pie.


There is also an upsurge in real estate business. New townships are being developed to meet the increasing demand in the urban housing sector. The State government has formed eight joint venture companies to expedite housing projects. Apart from New Town, a project spread over 3,075 acres and developed by the West Bengal Housing Infrastructure Development Corporation, the Salim Group is setting up the Calcutta West International City, considered to be one of the largest foreign direct investments in township projects in the country.


The shift in the lifestyle of the urban population is evident in the array of entertainments on offer before them. The city abounds in coffee shops, multiplexes, health clubs, fitness centres and multigyms. Kolkata has a vibrant nightlife in discos, hookah bars and clubs. Large flyovers have come up to ease the pressure of vehicular traffic, which is growing at approximately 11 per cent a year. Kolkata is no longer a city of traffic snarls.


RURAL MARKET


Some major changes are taking place in the rural markets too. The huge potential of this sector has started attracting investors, and the State government is examining proposals from corporates to take up procurement and marketing of produce in a big way.


This will throw open business opportunities in this emerging sector and result in an increase in the purchasing power and consumption profile of rural areas. Agriculture in West Bengal is characterised by two unique features x land reforms and devolution of effective executive and financial power to the elected panchayat bodies. This has revolutionised productivity and growth, leading to equitable distribution of rural wealth. The six agro-climatic zones of West Bengal offer extensive and varied environs for the development of temperate, subtropical and tropical produce, both agricultural and horticultural. The State has achieved significant growth in agriculture in the past decade. It is the largest producer of rice and the second largest producer of potato in the country. It also produces around 0.25 million tonnes of fruits and over 10 million tonnes of vegetables annually.

At the Mullickghat flower market near Howrah

Bridge, vendors arrange seasonal flowers.

The consulting firm McKinsey and Company has asserted in its Vision Document for West Bengal, that the State should aspire to be the food bowl of India by 2010 owing to the self-sufficiency it has achieved in critical food crops and the leadership it has assumed in the production of a wide range of agricultural produce. The State accounts for 10 per cent of the country's edible oil production; it is the largest producer of fish and produces substantial quantities of spices, coconut, cashew nut, arecanut, betel vine and oilseeds.


Agro and food processing industries form an important part of the State's economy. A study conducted by the Government of India estimated that the investment potential in the food processing industry in the State is Rs.154.52 billion over the next 10 years. The State government is devising policies and plans to increase production of vegetables, fruits, rice, poultry, dairy and floriculture.

Some of the key investors in the food processing industry are AsconAgro PE & B Pvt. Ltd, a Pailan Group company, which has entered into a joint venture with AFT/PB Counsiel of France to set up unit in Dhaniakhali, Hooghly, to produce potato flakes; Dabur Ltd, which has set up its unit in north Bengal; Frito-Lay, a division of PepsiCo, which has set up a potato processing unit in Howrah district; and Arambagh Hatcheries, which was set up in 1975 and has grown by over 30 per cent annually. Unilever and Nestle have also expressed interest in setting up food processing units in the State.

West Bengal is also a unique State in that it has practically all landscapes that are required to make it a tourist hub - the Himalayas, the beaches, forests, the Sunderbans, tea gardens, historical sites and places of worship. The State government is sparing no effort to tap this potential. West Bengal is a safe place to be in since the law and order situation is well under control. The State has a long tradition of tolerance, which has resulted in communal harmony and a near-total absence of caste prejudices.

Article written by SUHRID SANKAR CHATTOPADHYAY,
published in FRONTLINE,
Volume 24 - Issue 02
:: Jan. 27-Feb. 09, 2007

Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee: "It is not agriculture vs industry, it is from agriculture to industry' ,



'From
agriculture
to

industry':

Interview
with
Chief Minister
Buddhadeb
Bhattacharjee












CHIEF Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee has many facets to his personality. He is perceived as a man with a mission to overhaul West Bengal's economy and bring back its past glory. "It is my vision that West Bengal assumes its rightful place at the top in the fields of agriculture, industry, education, science and culture," he said in an interview to Frontline, published in Jan. 27-Feb. 09, 2007 issue. Interview taken by Suhrid Sankar Chattopadhay. Buddhadeb spoke about the recent problems and criticisms his government faced, its policies and the need to move quickly from an agrarian economy to an industrial one. Excerpts from the interview:



Q:Last year's Assembly elections set at rest all suspicions and allegations of electoral malpractices and rigging in the State. It was an overwhelming mandate for Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee. Please share with us your vision for West Bengal.



Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee:
First of all, it was not a mandate for just Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee. True, I led the election campaign and the electoral battle, but it was a mandate for the Left Front, for its programmes and policies. Individuals matter but only a little. Looking back on what we have accomplished so far, we realise we have consolidated our success in agriculture. We have attained self-sufficiency, particularly in rice, vegetables and fish, and have been able to guarantee food security. It is now high time we moved from agriculture to industry.

I would like to elaborate a little here. Some people think that we can continue with only our success in agriculture; we can improve the economy of the State only through agriculture; even the problem of unemployment can be solved through agriculture. I don't think this is possible. We are right now in a transitional stage; based on our success in agriculture we are moving towards rapid industrialisation. Agriculture alone cannot create new job opportunities and move the economy further. So, it is imperative to move from agriculture to industry; it is not agriculture versus industry.


It is my effort to develop both the manufacturing sector in the State and knowledge-based industries such as Information Technology and biotechnology. In the manufacturing sector, our priority should be SMEs [small and medium enterprises]. It is this sector that provides job opportunities, rather than big projects - take the case of ancillaries of automobile industries, or downstream industries related to the iron and steel major units. Although we are a bit of a late starter in industrialisation, we have managed to catch up with other States, and as far as IT is concerned, I think we are ahead of any other State. It is my vision that West Bengal assumes its rightful place at the top in agriculture, industry, education, science and culture.


Q:Is this vision shared by the other partners of the Left Front, notably the Revolutionary Socialist Party, the Communist Party of India, the Forward Bloc and all sections of the CPI(M)?


Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee: There is opposition from different corners. There is the extreme right-wing like the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Trinamool Congress, which are opposing us; on the other hand there is the extreme left-wing - the naxalites - who don't really understand anything and live in a fool's paradise. I do not take them seriously. And there is some opposition within the Left itself. Unfortunately, some of our friends in the Front fail to understand the situation. They don't have that vision. They feel what we have achieved is enough. They fail to understand that we cannot stand on that alone - landlessness is on the rise, it is getting difficult to get remunerative prices for agricultural produce because the cost of inputs in agriculture is increasing; in fact it is difficult to protect even the minimum support price. Therefore, it is now time to move from one stage to another. We must move towards industry; that is the general direction of all civilisations - from agriculture to industry, from villages to cities. Let me explain a little further - agriculture's contribution in the SDP [State Domestic Product] is around 26 per cent, that of industry is 24 per cent and the service sector 50 per cent. The service sector is doing fine. But the given ratio of agriculture and industry is not an indication of good health for the State's economy. Ideally, industry's contribution should gradually increase and that of agriculture decrease. This, my critics fail to understand. I am trying my best to convince them.


Q:It is not just your critics. A section of the general public, too, has not fully understood the reasons for the State's industrial drive. There is quite a lot of misinformation floating around too. What are you doing to allay these fears?


Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee: I admit there is some information gap. We have to work carefully and patiently. We have to tell the people the whole truth and take them into confidence, or we will not be able to achieve anything. But as I told you, some extremist elements who don't understand the real problems of our economy or the political condition of our country, and who don't even bother to find out, are trying to cause mischief. But I am not bothered about them, or bothered about some unwanted guests visiting our State and making provocative speeches. What I am concerned about is that the people don't misunderstand us, as it happened at Nandigram [local farmers violently agitated on the basis of a mere rumour of land acquisition]. That was a failure of the local administration and we failed to explain to the people what is being proposed there. What is a chemical hub? How did it all start?


It was the Government of India's decision actually. Eight States participated in a presentation, in which West Bengal topped the list as a destination for such a hub. Why Nandigram? Because it is near the Haldia port. But the people [of Nandigram] didn't know what it was about and the local administration, without discussing with them, without taking them into confidence sent a circular that created havoc. We have to correct our mistakes. We have to make the people understand that this project will be good for them and that we are trying to help them improve their standard of living.


Q:The Nandigram imbroglio may have been, to some extent, responsible for the Central government's re-thinking on Special Economic Zones. Do you think the Chinese success with SEZs and export-led growth can be replicated in India, and in West Bengal, in particular?


Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee: India should not follow any model or any country. The Centre evolved its SEZ policy without really giving much thought. It asked the State governments to decide how many SEZs they wanted. China started off with six SEZs, and the decision rested on the Central government there, not the provinces. In our case, each State sent a long list, and ultimately there were 400 SEZ proposals. Now the Prime Minister has realised that it was a mistake and hence a review has been called.


A question that should be asked is what is an SEZ for - real estate or industry? At least 50 per cent of the land in an SEZ should be earmarked for industry. It ended up becoming a real estate business and we are against that. The CPI(M) wants some amendments. In West Bengal we have at present three small SEZs - Manikanchan, Wipro and Falta Export Block. Now we are planning another four or five. For this, we first have to consider the land required and the rehabilitation package for the displaced, and ensure that at least 50 per cent of the land is used for industry.


Q:The problems in Singur and Nandigram seem to have given an opportunity for naxalites to find a foothold in the State. How do you propose to tackle this?


Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee: I don't think so. First of all one should not equate what happened at Nandigram with Singur. As you know, Singur was the Tatas' choice. We showed them various sites, but they settled for Singur. We could not say no to such a project, otherwise it would have gone to Uttarakhand. It is important to note that in Singur, 95 per cent of the farmers voluntarily submitted their consent - it has never happened in any other part of the country. Some naxalites were trying to infiltrate into the villages. In Nandigram too, when the local farmers got agitated, naxalites tried to take advantage of the situation. I don't think we should take them seriously. They have no proper organisation, and ideologically, they are bankrupt.


Q:You had mentioned in an interview earlier that education and health care in the State needed further development. What is the position now?


Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee: The overall situation has improved. The number of schools has increased and the number of dropouts has come down. We provide midday meals in all the schools. These are the good features. But last time, I remember telling you that it was the quality of teaching that was my main headache. We have started a project to provide on-the-job training for teachers in all the primary schools. This will be an in-built mechanism in all the schools, where Key Research Persons will impart training to teachers throughout the year. We have just embarked on this project so it will take a couple of years for the results to show.


As for health, we are trying our best. It is a huge infrastructure to overhaul. But if we can improve the quality of the primary health centres in the rural areas, we will have achieved quite a bit. We are working at improving the health infrastructure and administration at the district level, and at the same time, trying to create a few centres of excellence in Kolkata. There are also some proposals for opening private medical colleges in the State, but first they have to meet the required conditions as set down by the Indian Medical Council.


Q:Your passion for literature is well known. Your translation of Franz Kafka's Metamorphosis was well received. Are you working on anything now?


Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee: I am not writing anything now. Very difficult to find time. But I do still try to find time for my reading, mostly late at night. I am a late riser [smiles].