Showing posts with label TMC-INC GOVT.. Show all posts
Showing posts with label TMC-INC GOVT.. Show all posts

Thursday, November 1, 2012

West Bengal on dangerous slide


By Nilotpal Basu

Agency: DNA | Tuesday, October 23, 2012

The sigh of relief on the Raisina Hills must have been loud enough. In Jangipur by-election, the President’s son and Congress nominee won the contest by the proverbial ‘whisker’. And, to the great relief of his more illustrious father and his well-wishers, he scraped through.

At least he did not have to bite the dust like the other son – of chief minister of Uttarakhand — who got the drubbing in Tehri. Abhijit – the President’s son – made it. In fact, these by-election results have been a clear pointer to the public mood on ground zero. That the spate of reforms and the endless revelation of corruption and scams engineered at the highest echelons of the ruling establishment continue to influence public perception was underlined in these results. Despite the bravado of the mandarins of neo-liberalism, the reforms, far from refurbishing the image of the government, have actually accentuated its further alienation from the people.

So, though Abhijit survived, the impressive lead of 1,28,000 votes his father had clocked tumbled to just 2,500; and this despite the Trinamool Congress and its supremo Mamata Banerjee’s public support for his candidature.

That the electoral commitments made by these two parties to the Bengal electorate in the 2009 and 2011 elections have gone awry is patently clear. The Trinamool disowns the government in Delhi; and the Congress reciprocates in Kolkata with the choicest invectives. And, obviously, the fundamental promise of their joint electoral campaign of paribartan has flopped. It is through these allegations and counter allegations that the electorate’s adverse experience about them gets reinforced.

But this is not merely about Jangipur people’s disenchantment with these parties in alliance. It is not also about performance of the Left, which all but wrested the seat and managed to retain its votes in trying circumstances. The CPI (M) candidate established lead in four of the seven assembly segments that constitute the Jangipur Lok Sabha seat as against only one in the assembly elections. But, let that pass.

Perhaps, the most significant feature of this by-election was the advance the communal forces registered. The BJP’s vote share went up to 10 per cent from a meagre two per cent. Between them, two Islamist parties — the SDPI, part of the Kerala-based Popular Front, and the Jamaat-e-Islami sponsored Welfare Party of India — got almost eight per cent votes. Such level of support for communally-oriented political outfits is definitely a new development in West Bengal. Obviously, it is fraught with major adverse ramifications in a border state which is intensely diverse and has 27 per cent Muslim population.

But frankly speaking, this was waiting to happen. Since the inception of the Mamata Banerjee-led government in the state, a major damage has been done by overt religious appeals to the minorities for electoral support. West Bengal has been a state, perhaps unique, in staying clear from the dangerous concoction of religion and politics. Therefore, election results during the last six decades have underlined gradual decline of communal forces in the state’s politics. It will be pertinent to mention that a prominent member of the Nehru government – Shyama Prasad Mukherjee — resigned and formed the Hindu Mahasabha nursing the fond hope that it would advance in the state which suffered the trauma of Partition. But Mukherjee failed abysmally. And subsequently, with the growth of the Left in the state, the tradition of harmony got consolidated. When the country was burning in the aftermath of Indira Gandhi’s assassination or demolition of the Babri Masjid, the state remained an oasis of peace and amity.

But today, that legacy appears to be in jeopardy. The crude religious appeal that the chief minister makes to the minorities by putting on hijab while addressing her audience in Muslim neighbourhoods or frequently using phrases like Khuda Hafiz or Salam Aleqqum; and linking all activities of her party with one or the other religious practice of Muslims is an ominous development. Even the withdrawal of the Trinamool support from the UPA government was linked to Jumma Namaz. The controversial decision to give governmental grant to imams of local mosques is not only being challenged in the courts but by sections of the Islamic scholarship.

But more than that, this is courting the BJP to exploit these overtures. West Bengal, a border state with significant minority population, has always interested the Saffron brigade; but thanks to the consistent secular practice by all other political parties in the state, their efforts tanked.

But now that is threatened. The additional problem is the developments in West Asia which disturbs Muslims across the world with a sense of frustration, insecurity and revulsion. The community has extremely legitimate concerns – more socio-economic and related to human rights and social justice than religious. Unless this cesspool of sentiments is channellised by secular democratic forces, they will become cannon fodder to sectarian Islamist forces; even more so, in the face of aggressive assertion by the Hindutva forces.

Jangipur brings home this danger with all its grotesque ramifications. One hopes that this will drive sense in the TMC and its supremo. Let us hope that at least Jangipur teaches her to mend her bizarre and deeply divisive political pursuit.

The writer is a member of the central committee, CPI(M)

Friday, October 12, 2012

Mamata actually anti-Left and anti-democracy : Mishra


Frontline, Volume 29 - Issue 20 :: Oct. 06-19, 2012

Live Bites - Surjya Kanta Mishra, CPI(M) Polit Bureau member said:
The stand we have taken on the reform agenda that is being pushed in such a hurry by the Centre is an uncompromising stand and should not be considered in terms of an increase or decrease in the percentage of votes. Ours is a principled stand and is distinctly different from what Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has taken. Her tactics are simply to occupy the Left’s space.

She does not address the root of the problems relating to the neoliberal policies of the Centre. I had joked earlier that instead of the slogan “Maa Mati Manush” [which she raised when she campaigned for the Assembly elections], Mamata is talking more about American President Barack Obama—even about inviting him to the celebration of the 150th birth anniversary of Vivekananda. Then there have been visits by Nancy Powell [U.S. Ambassador to India] and Hillary Clinton [U.S. Secretary of State], who came and had one-to-one talks with the Chief Minister. Can she not see the forces of imperialism working here? How the ruling class is succumbing to the pressures created by them? All that the Chief Minister was doing at the Centre was bargaining for some package or advantage, even during the presidential election.

Her apparent Left-like stand is actually anti-Left and anti-democracy. You can see that in the way she has attacked the trade unions, the way she has handled the all-India strikes, and the way she refused to accept the peasant suicides and the plight of workers, and the manner in which she has reversed the process of democratic decentralisation and land reforms. It reminds me of the trade unions that Mussolini led and the interpretation of socialism by the Nazis.’

Tuesday, October 9, 2012

Massive Rally Gives Warning to TMC Govt


NORTH 24 PARGANAS PEOPLE RAISE THE BANNER OF PROTEST




KOLKATA, 1ST OCTOBER: Kolkata witnessed another mammoth rally on October 1, signaling growing discontent and mounting protest against the Trinamool Congress-led state government. The rally, called by CPI(M) North 24 Parganas district committee, saw tens of thousands of people from all corners of the district converging in Rani Rashmoni road, inundating the heart of the city with streams of people. The central slogan of the rally was “Stop terror, Run the state”. The rally was preceded by month long intensive campaign throughout the district highlighting the demands of the people as well as protesting the neo-liberal attack on toiling masses.

Right from the morning thousands of people began to assemble in Kolkata. Some people came from distant areas of Sundarbans after hours of journey. A special train from Bangaon in Bangladesh border arrived with full of people. Hundreds of people came from Haroa and adjoining areas which are terror-stricken. Students and youth were visibly enthusiastic while participating in their processions. Industrial workers, including jute workers, came from famed and now distressed Barrackpore industrial area. Surprisingly, IT employees from Salt Lake were also present in good numbers. On top of these, a colourful procession of around 50,000 people marched from Sealdah station to the venue of the public meeting.

Addressing the gathering, Biman Basu, state secretary of CPI(M), said that the crisis-ridden USA was trying to shift its economic burden on to the Indian people. They are forcing the Indian government to orient its policies to suit their interests. The UPA government is surrendering to these pressures and heaping intolerable burden on the common man. Trinamool Congress remained silent when they were inside the ruling coalition. Even now, while they are opposing FDI in retail, they are silent on the role of the US. The pseudo-Left posture of Trinamool Congress is a part of wider design, he said.

Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, Polit Bureau member of CPI(M), said criminals and anti-socials have started to think that the current state government is their own government. The irresponsible comments from the highest executive head of the state has repeatedly encouraged criminal activities like murder, extortion, intimidation, rape and other forms of crime against women.

Bhattacharjee vehemently attacked the industrial policy of the state government. Drawing the example of Singur, Bhattacharya said that Trinamool Congress is still moving on the same path because of which no investment is coming to the state and no employment has also been created in the last one and half years. He attacked the government on the issue of reservations to minority communities. He said that the present government has completely rejected the process of reservations to minorities in jobs initiated by the earlier Left Front government of the state. Raising the issue of farmer suicides, Bhattacharjee said the current government has utterly failed to provide remunerative prices to the farmers.

Both Basu and Bhattacharjee criticised the way the panchayats are being attacked in the state. They strongly expressed the determination of the Left to not concede even an inch without resistance in the coming panchayat elections despite being under severe attack.

Surya Kanta Mishra, leader of opposition in the West Bengal state assembly, said that the government brought a resolution against FDI in the assembly, which was not opposed by the Left Front. But the Left Front wanted to introduce a small amendment to the resolution by incorporating the word ‘neo-liberalism’ and ‘imperialism’, which was not accepted by the government. He raised a question on the credibility of TMC’s role on the FDI issue. Dr Mishra also said that the Party is ready to face panchayet elections at any point of time.

Gautam Deb, North 24 Parganas district secretary of CPI(M), said that this rally was not called to oust the state government. It is a warning to the government. The Left Front has showed extreme restraint for the last sixteen months. But if the state government does not mend its ways, they must be prepared to face huge mass resistance.

Though it was a rally called by CPI(M), Left Front leaders were present on the occasion and addressed the rally. Veteran Forward Block leader Ashok Ghosh saw in the rally signs of rejuvenation of the Left in the state. Manjukumar Majumdar, state secretary of CPI, urged for bigger struggles. Khiti Goswami, state secretary of RSP, also addressed the gathering. Amitav Nandy and Tarit Topdar explained the demands of the district. The meeting was presided over by Md Amin, veteran trade union leader.

A charter of demands was also submitted on behalf of the Left Front North 24 Parganas on various demands of the district to the industry minister Partha Chatterjee.

One of the most touching part of the rally was the solidarity with the families of the martyrs. CPI(M) North 24 Parganas district committee reached to 30 lakh people to raise money to help these families. Families of 50 martyrs were given Rs 1 lakh each. The family members of the martyrs were showered with respect from the entire gathering.

Friday, August 24, 2012

Surya Kanta Mishra: “The attack on democracy is even more intense in the rural areas.”

Interview with Surya Kanta Mishra, CPI(M) Polit Bureau member and Leader of the Opposition in the West Bengal Assembly by SUHRID SANKAR CHATTOPADHYAY.

FRONTLINE, Volume 29 - Issue 09:: May. 05-18, 2012

‘In denial mode'


“IT is as though criminals have started thinking that it is their government.” Surya Kanta Mishra, Leader of the Opposition in the West Bengal Assembly and Polit Bureau member of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), feels that West Bengal is heading towards becoming an “anarchic State”.

In an interview to Frontline, Mishra spoke about issues ranging from the rise in violence in the State, the Mamata Banerjee government's policies and its claims of achievements made in the past one year. “Instead of taking the State forward from where it stood a year ago, they are reversing the process of progress and development, undoing all that had been achieved. The future really looks gloomy,” he said. Excerpts:

The CPI(M) has adopted a policy of wait and watch before making any proper assessment of the Trinamool government. But what is your preliminary assessment a year after it came to power? In which direction do you think the State is heading?

We had never said that we would not be critical. We said we would play the role of a responsible Opposition. We will not oppose for the sake of opposing as they [the Trinamool] did. There is a fundamental difference between our opposition and theirs. When Mamata Banerjee was announcing her achievements after 100 days or after 200 days [since assuming power], we pointed out that one could not make a proper assessment in such a short time. The problem is that she started claiming that she had completed 90 per cent of the work. We did not want any report card from her, nor did we want to grade her.

But one thing that has become clear after almost a year is that the government does not have any vision. It is directionless. They have neither any concrete programme, nor any sense of priority. They are trying to rush things through, which is proving counterproductive, be it in the area of industry, land, or problems in the Darjeeling hills. Every time they try to resolve an issue, they complicate matters further.

But one thing that the Chief Minister should not have done – a promise she has not kept – is the assault on democratic institutions and democracy in general. This is dangerous, and we had earlier warned that this assault would not be confined to us, the CPI(M). It will spread.

As to where the State is headed, nobody really knows. All that was done before is now being undone – like land reforms, the establishment of a democratic, decentralised panchayat system and other institutions of participatory democracy. Our successes in the agrarian sector, based on which we were setting up industries – all such processes are being reversed. This is endangering the overall growth of the State. I will not yet say that an anarchic situation is prevalent here, but I fear it is heading in that direction.

Over the last several months political violence and crime have been on the increase. Do you think the government is doing enough to curb them?

The violence against us has increased a lot. Since May 2011 [when the Trinamool-led government came to power], around 4,800 Left workers and supporters have had to be hospitalised – most of them in serious condition. A large number of them have, in fact, been crippled by acts of violence. After coming to power, the Trinamool forcefully occupied more than 700 CPI(M) offices.

The situation is particularly bad for Left workers and supporters in the eight districts of Pashchim Medinipur, Bardhaman, Bankura, Hooghly, Purbo Medinipur, Cooch Behar and the North and South 24 Parganas. In the first four districts that I mentioned, it is no longer possible to carry out even simple democratic functions; more than 40,000 Left workers have been driven out of their homes, party offices have been forcefully occupied, hefty fines have been imposed upon them. We have a detailed list of these figures.

It is not possible to understand the situation by the number of killings alone. In the 1970s, under the Congress government, there were more killings of Left workers. But the situation of silent terror that is prevalent today is more effective in demoblilising any political opposition. It is not that they are perpetrating such terror in places where the Left is weak; in fact, it is worst where we have a reasonably strong support base – like the first four districts that I just mentioned. You can see how we were proved right when we said that this violence would be directed not only against us; today, Congress workers are being attacked. Even sections within the Trinamool camp are fighting each other.

Apart from political violence, general crime has also increased greatly. It is as though criminals have started thinking that it is their government; and the police and the administration are just not handling the situation in a proper manner.

With all these things happening around us, the Chief Minister remains in denial mode, insisting that nothing has really happened. In none of the incidents of violence and crime – be it the Park Street rape case, the murder of two CPI(M) leaders in broad daylight in Bardhaman, or the rape on a train in Katwa – has the Chief Minister condemned the acts or apologised for them. Instead, she said they were orchestrated incidents.

What is your opinion on the government's policy relating to land acquisition for industries?

First, I would like to say, regarding land, that thousands of people in rural Bengal have been ousted in the last one year. Even Trinamool supporters have not been spared.

Now, regarding the State government's land acquisition policy. The government claims that it is against acquiring land on behalf of industries. So how can land be acquired for industrial purposes? Their solution has been to lift the land ceiling, so investors can directly buy land – but the government will have no role in acquiring land from the farmers. Unfortunately, this will empower the land mafia and the land sharks, and as a result, farmers will be denied their rightful compensation and rehabilitation packages, which will not happen if the government acquires the land.

Moreover, big manufacturing industries will be reluctant to come, as they know how difficult it will be for them, without the intervention of the government, to get the kind of land required to set up large plants. The situation is not conducive to big industries.

Not just in the case of land. The present government does not really have a proper industrial policy. Take the case of power. When we were in government, we left behind for the State a surplus; the present government is now in such a state that it has to reduce power generation to minimise losses. Moreover, the way the resource mobilisation plan has been done, nobody knows where funds for infrastructure development will come from. The process of industrialisation is not just about giving land. It is important that the atmosphere is also conducive to industrial growth.

What is the government's major achievement in its first year in power?

Apparently, the Darjeeling hills are peaceful – which everyone can see is not the case – and peace has returned to Jangalmahal. But this is just an illusion of peace. It cannot be considered an achievement, as it is paving the way for another wave of problems. Then, of course, there are a whole lot of promises that are yet to be kept. The only positive work that I feel the government has done is to have decided not to set up the Legislative Council as it had decided earlier. We opposed this decision, and they finally dropped the idea.

Instead of taking the State forward from where it stood a year ago, we are seeing that they are reversing the process of progress and development, undoing all that had been achieved. The future really does look gloomy.

There has been some disenchantment with the government among the urban middle class. Do you think this has spread to rural voters? Will it have an impact on the upcoming panchayat elections?

We have seen disillusionment among the urban middle class, even among those who voted for a change. But the attack on democracy that we talked about is even more intense in the rural areas. On top of all that, there is major distress in the agrarian sector, as is evident in the spate of suicides by farmers and agricultural workers groaning under the burden of debt.

Whether this will influence the results of the upcoming panchayat elections is very difficult to say. The ruling party has been threatening to prevent the Opposition from fielding candidates. It all depends on whether our candidates will be allowed to file their nominations. But I will say that when people start understanding the implications of what is happening around them, they will get disillusioned. But to go into the mode of active resistance takes some time. 

Thursday, August 23, 2012

Mamata’s paranoia


Deccan Herald, Aug 18, 2012

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee is becoming more and more intolerant and paranoid about individuals who question her and institutions which she is oath-bound to protect.

courtesy@write choice.in 

A simple question asked by a villager at a public meeting about rising fertiliser prices and farmer deaths was enough to brand to him a Maoist. Even though he was in fact a supporter of her own party, he was arrested, let off and rearrested and is now facing charges which may land him in prison. Some students got into trouble a few weeks ago for asking her questions she did not like in a TV talk show. A professor was arrested for forwarding on the internet a cartoon that lampooned her. Any word of criticism is taken as a sign of a conspiracy to unseat her.

The allergy to adverse comments and unfavourable opinions extends to institutions also. Earlier this week she cast aspersions on the judiciary and judicial bodies by claiming that judgments can be bought for money. The statement was made at an official seminar in the West Bengal Assembly. It was highly inappropriate and irresponsible on the part of the chief minister to make a sweeping statement about the judicial system in public in so cavalier a manner.

The immediate reason for the tirade, it may be assumed, might have been the striking down of the Singur land legislation by the Calcutta high court. If there is dissatisfaction with the working of the judiciary or a specific complaint against any judge, there are institutional ways of redressing it. It is wrong to make charges without substantiating them and throw mud on the entire judicial system.

Mamata also criticised ‘committees and commissions in the country’ for their lack of ‘accountability’ after the state human rights commission awarded compensation to two people, including the professor who circulated the cartoon, and recommended action against the policemen who arrested them. Obviously the comment was an attempt to hit back at the body whose order has embarrassed her.

The increasingly intolerant ways and words of the chief minister has started creating discomfort even among her supporters. There are cases of people losing their freedom or lives for asking inconvenient questions in authoritarian societies. But questions are vital in a democracy and Mamata Banerjee is yet to learn this. She should remember that she came to power after posing to the people of the state questions about the Left Front government.

http://www.deccanherald.com/content/272357/mamatas-paranoia.html

Friday, June 8, 2012

HALDIA SHOWS THE WAY: ‘YELLOW CARD’ to TMC GOVT.




KOLKATA, 5th June: ELECTIONS to six municipal bodies in West Bengal, which was marked by terror, reflected signs of discontent against the TMC government.

It was particularly manifest in Left Front’s win in Haldia in East Midnapore district. It was here that the anti-Left Front anarchy reached its crescendo since the days of Nandigram. Trinamool Congress wrested East Midnapore district council in 2008, won the parliamentary seats in 2009 and all assembly constituencies of the district in 2011. Right from 2009, incessant attacks have been launched against CPI(M) in Haldia. After 2011, the trade unions in this industrial and port town were made a special target. CPI(M) offices were destroyed or captured, hundreds of workers were chased away from their workplaces. The reign of terror was led by TMC Lok Sabha member Subhendu Adhikary who proclaimed that there would be no one in Haldia to hold Red flags. Frontline CPI(M) leaders were jailed under false cases.

During the elections to the municipal body, CPI(M) and Left Front could not conduct peaceful campaign even for a single day. Candidates were threatened with dire consequences, their families attacked. As Congress had no alliance with TMC, their candidates and potential candidates were also attacked. Congress candidates had to withdraw nomination after their family members were kidnapped. Left Front conducted determined, door-to-door campaign. Even on the day of elections, TMC hoodlums raided different areas to threaten people, though they faced resistance from the poorer sections.   

The people of Haldia rebuffed the TMC and the Left Front retained the municipality with a 15-11 margin. Out of these, 14 were won by CPI(M) and 1 by CPI. In three wards, Left Front candidates were defeated narrowly, with margins of 40 to 52 votes only.  Left Front chairman Biman Basu congratulated the people of Haldia and said that they have silently rejected the politics of terror.

The dejection of the TMC with the defeat in Haldia was very much evident. Immediately after the results were declared, TMC activists attacked the car of Tamalika Panda Seth, CPI(M) leader and outgoing chairperson of the municipal body. CPI(M) activists were attacked in different places. CPI(M) local committee office in Haldia was ransacked.

In nine wards of Durgapur Municipal Corporation, TMC went into full-scale terrorisation.  CPI(M) booth camps were attacked. In many wards, TMC activists entered into booths and took control of EVMs. CPI(M) polling agents were not allowed to enter. Booth capturing took place in many wards. TMC activists started terrorising the people from the night before. They threatened voters not to come out of houses, particularly in areas where Left has a strong presence. In some wards, police helped TMC and chased away voters from the queue. Practically, Durgapur witnessed a serious attack on the democratic rights of the people.

The Left Front has demanded repoll in 29 booths in Durgapur where CPI(M) polling agents were chased away and voters were dispersed by TMC anti-socials brought from outside the city. TMC won this corporation with 29 seats while Left Front won in 11 seats. The Congress and BJP won a seat each, while an independent won a seat.  

In Panshkura, the atmosphere was vitiated. There also Left Front cadre and even Congress cadre were not allowed to campaign freely. TMC threatened to ‘whitewash’ the opposition. TMC retained the municipality winning 12 seats while Left Front bagged 5. CPI(M) won 3 seats while CPI bagged 2. TMC’s outgoing chairman was defeated by CPI candidate. Congress failed to get any seat here.

Another setback to the TMC occurred in Congress’ hand at Coopers Camp when the latter won 11seats out of 12. Congress maintained their hold on the notified area body despite all out aggressive campaign against them by their partner in the state government. Top leaders of the both the parties were engaged in bitter exchange in Coopers Camp as well as in Nalhati in Birbhum district. TMC retained this board with thin margin, winning 8 seats while Left Front won 3, Congress 3 and BJP 1. Here too TMC’s outgoing chairman was defeated in two seats despite every attempt to get him through. In a ward, Left Front candidate was even arrested the night before the voting day and was freed on bail only in the next afternoon that too after a rebuff from court. Widespread discontent was reflected in Nalhati.

Left Front suffered defeat in Dhupguri in Jalpaiguri district. Election process was more or less peaceful here. But TMC took no chance and just before the elections they admitted Kamtapur Peoples’ Party leader Mitali Roy in their fold. KPP is a secessionist party demanding separate Kamtapur state for quite long time. TMC won 11 and Left Front 4 seats while BJP won in a ward.

Biman Basu alleged that in many areas of these six municipalities, people were terrorised and normal democratic atmosphere was lacking. TMC unleashed violence before and even after the declaration of results. This was an ominous sign for civil rights in the state.

Suryakanta Misra, leader of opposition, termed the entire results as ‘Yellow card’, a warning to TMC and its government. “If they do not mend their ways, people will show them Red card in the future”, said Misra. He also alleged that the ruling party has started fearing people within a year of assuming power. This is the reason behind their terror tactics in civic elections.

People’s Democracy
10th June, 2012

Wednesday, May 16, 2012

West Bengal: A Year of Violence & Crime



16th May, 2012: This is not something the people of Bengal had bargained for when they bought the slogan of “paribortan” advanced by the TMC-Congress combine and decided to end 34 years of uninterrupted reign of the Left Front. Killings, arson, rape, molestation, physical assaults on women, forcible collection of money, eviction from land -- have all become a daily occurrence. It does not surprise them anymore. Slowly but surely, people have started comparing the current dispensation with the dreaded period of the seventies, when the state witnessed semi-fascist terror. Will the state fall back to those days is an apprehension being shared by more and more people.

Between the period May 14, 2011 when the TMC combine assumed office to May 12, 2012, as many as 65 Left Front leaders, activists and supporters have been brutally killed by TMC goons. 4904 persons had to be hospitalized on account of the injuries sustained in such attacks.

The steep rise in the overall crime graph points to the general deterioration in the law and order situation during the past one year, since the TMC combine assumed office. 40,124 people have been evicted from their homes. It is estimated that an amount of around Rs. 28 crores has been forcibly collected from 9529 persons.

There has been an alarming increasing in the number of rape cases. 23 cases of rape have been reported from different parts of the state during the past one year. Apart from this, there has also been an overall rise in the incidents of atrocities against women. During the first year of the TMC regime, and shamefully with a lady at the helm, 517 cases of molestation of women and 790 cases of physical assault on women have been reported. One of these cases pertains to the rape of a speech and hearing impaired girl in Bankura by a resident doctor within the hospital premises. In an overwhelming majority of these cases the culprits owe their allegiance to the ruling TMC. Unfortunately, however, in many cases, the complainants have been discredited, their character assassinated and motives assigned. In cases were police officers have investigated independently and proceeded against the culprits, they have been promptly transferred. The CM has had the cheek to call these cases “politically motivated” or “fabricated”, even if it meant tarnishing the image of the victim and defending the perpetrators of these crimes.

There has been a planned and systematic attack on land reforms implemented during the Left Front rule. Apart from 26,838 pata holders and bargardars (who had received tenancy rights during the tenure of Left Front government) who have been evicted from their lands, 3,418 peasants are not being allowed to cultivate their own land.

The attack has now spread to democratic institutions and the electoral process, besides the massive attack on the political opponents of the TMC.  Even the levels of intolerance have seen a steady growth. The innocuous act of forwarding an email containing a caricature of the Chief Minister saw a university professor, Ambikesh Mahapatra landing behind bars. Newspapers and periodicals that a library could subscribe to have all been listed and sent in an order to libraries across the state. Boards put up by the Ganashakti daily have been made a special target for attack. 250 of such boards on which the daily was pasted for reading by the public who could not afford purchasing the paper, have been destroyed. The democratic right to protest is also sought to be curtailed. Another renowned professor, Partho Sarothi Ray was arrested and jailed for taking part in a peaceful demonstration against eviction of slum dwellers.

Since October 2011, 38 incidents of attacks on the election process in different institutions in the state have been reported. 84 student union offices have been captured by the student wing owing allegiance to the TMC. Assault on students, teachers and staff in educational institutions are increasing.

It is but natural that the brunt has been borne by the CPI(M), the mass organisations under its leadership and its partners in the Left Front. Apart from the 65 leaders and cadres of the Left who have been mercilessly killed, 611 offices of the CPI(M) have been ransacked and captured. 217 offices of the mass organisations have been captured in different parts of the state. 14 Party conferences at various levels were attacked. 3293 persons have been arrested on the basis of false and fabricated cases being foisted on them. Arms are being planted in houses and offices of the Party and in subsequent raids “recoveries” are reported. The reported number of such cases is 169.

Besides, there has been a sharp increase in the number of kidnappings, looting of shops, dismantling of elected three tier panchayat bodies or forcible resignation of elected representatives.

But this is not all. In the seven month period between October 12, 2011 and May 12, 2011, agricultural distress has led 53 peasants to commit suicide, which the government is not ready to admit.(INN)


Post Poll Violence perpetrated by AITC and INC miscreants against CPI(M) & Left Front activists in West Bengal as reported from May 14, 2011 to May 12, 2012

At a glance


1
Killed
65
2
Abetted to commit suicide
12
3
Peasant suicides (from October 12, 2011)
53
4
Rape
23
5
Molestation
517
6
Physical assault on women
790
7
Injured & hospitalized
4904
8
Evicted from house
40124
9
Ransacked, looted & burnt
2867
10
CPI(M) office ransacked & captured
611
11
Attack on Party conferences
14 (from November 2011)
12
Mass organisations & trade union offices captured
217
13
Attack on the election process in different institutions
38 (from October 2011)
14
Student Union offices captured
84
15
Ganashakti Board destroyed
250
16
Pre-planned so called `arms recovery’
169
17
Arrest on false and fabricated cases
3293
18
Forcefully collection of money. No – amount
9529 (+) Nos – 27 crore 87 lac 8 thousand
19
Not allowed to cultivate own land. No – Acre
3418 (+) Nos – 9222.73 Acre
20
Eviction of Patta Holder & Bargader. No – Acre
26838 (+) Nos – 9404.13
* Apart from the above statement, the incidents like kidnapping, assault on students-teachers-staffs, ransacking educational institutions, looting of shops, dismantling of elected three tier panchayat, forcing to resign from the elected bodies are not enlisted. 

Thursday, April 12, 2012

From Chief Minister to Chief Censor


By A. G. Noorani

THE HINDU, Published: April 11, 2012 02:48 IST  

Mamata Banerjee's edict on selection of newspapers is a violation of the citizens' right to know and is an insult to libraries. 
Around 1967, Warren Unna of The Washington Post asked Shiv Sena boss Bal Thackeray whether he read any books. He received a stunning reply: “I don't want to mix my thinking with that of others”. The same arrogance, bred by insecurity, explains the order of March 14 made by the West Bengal government headed by Mamata Banerjee: “In public interest the government will not buy newspapers published or purported to be published by any political party, either national or regional, as a measure to develop free thinking among the readers”. The affinities between the two leaders are striking — populism and intolerance of dissent.
However, Mr. Thackeray's preference concerned him alone. Mamata's affects 2,463 government-aided libraries, 12 government libraries, 7 government sponsored ones and the State Central Library. All English language dailies were barred. Initially, a mere eight survived — Sangbad Pratidin, Sakalbela, Dainik Statesman, Ekdin, and Khabar 365 Din in Bengali; Sanmarg (Hindi) and Akhbar-e-Mashriq and Azad Hind (Urdu).
Two of the Bengali dailies are headed by two Trinamool Congress MPs of the Rajya Sabha. The Hindi and an Urdu daily are headed by Rajya Sabha MPs of the same party. Sangbad Pratidin, for example, is owned by Srinjoy Bose, a party MP. Its associate editor Kunal Ghosh was elected recently to the Rajya Sabha on the Trinamool ticket to give the owner company. After an uproar, five more papers were added on March 28; namely, Himalaya Darpan (Nepali), Sarsagar (Santhali periodical), The Times of India, and two others.
‘First instance'
There is another aspect, besides. The right to select papers belongs to the management of each library depending on the demand among the readers in that particular area. A central edict is an insult to them. Ms Banerjee's order also flagrantly violates the citizens' right to know. It is not for any Minister to prescribe a select bibliography to the Indian citizen. An official acknowledged on March 28: “This is the first instance of such a circular. The management boards of libraries have so far been the final authority on deciding which newspapers and periodicals to offer, on the basis of readers' demands”. Now the readers are asked to read what Kolkata deems fit for their minds; “in public interest”, of course.
Arbitrary orders are invariably defended by absurd and contradictory explanations. On March 29, Mamata Banerjee and her Sancho Panza, Abdul Karim, Mass Education and Library Services Minister, explained: “We will promote local and small newspapers”. Some dailies on her approved list will not be flattered by this decision apart from the impropriety of State funding of the press.
There is a judicial ruling directly on point by a judge of eminence, Lord Justice Watkins, in the Queen's Bench Division on November 5, 1986 (R. vs. Ealing Borough Council, ex. p. Times Newspapers Ltd. (1987) 85 L.G.R. 316). He quashed decisions by some borough councils in the U.K. to ban from public libraries within their areas newspapers and periodicals published by Times Newspapers and News Group Newspapers for the duration of an industrial dispute between them and their employees. This was done as a gesture of support to the employees. The court ruled that the authorities had taken into account an irrelevant factor and abused their powers as library authorities under the Public Libraries and Museums Act, 1964. In India, the Constitution itself will render such an act invalid as being an abuse of state power.
The petitioners, represented by Anthony Lester, Q.C., relied on Section 7 of the Public Libraries and Museums Act, 1964, which reads thus: “(1) It shall be the duty of every library authority to provide a comprehensive and efficient library service for all persons desiring to make use thereof; (2) In fulfilling its duty under the preceding subsection, a library authority shall in particular have regard to the desirability — (a) of securing … that facilities are available for the borrowing of, of reference to, books and other printed materials, sufficient in number, range and quality to meet the general requirements and any special requirements of both adults and children …”
The abuse of power was blatant. The councils had but one purpose, namely to punish Rupert Murdoch for his stand in the industrial dispute. The ban was clearly for a purpose ulterior to Section 7. The violation of Section 7 was deliberate and wilful.
India's written Constitution repairs the omission of any such statute. As H.M. Seervai pointed out in his workConstitutional Law of India, Article 294 vests the assets and properties in the Union or the State Governments, respectively, for the purpose of the Union or the State, in short, for a public purpose.
The U.S. Supreme Court ruled in 1884 that “the United States does not and cannot hold property, as a monarch may, for private or personal purposes. All the property and revenues of the United States must be held and applied, as all taxes, duties, imposts and excises must be laid and collected, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States” (Van Brocklin vs Anderson; (1884-85 U.S. 117 U*S.151 at 158). Arbitrary expenditure unrelated to public purpose also violates the fundamental right to equality (Art. 14). 
Landmark ruling
The Supreme Court of India's landmark ruling in the International Airport Authorities Case in 1979 opened another avenue of challenge. Justice P.N. Bhagwati held: “The Government cannot be permitted to say that it will give jobs or enter into contracts or issue quotas or licences only in favour of those having grey hair or belonging to a particular political party or professing a particular religious faith. The Government is still the Government when it acts in the matter of granting largesse and it cannot act arbitrarily. It does not stand in the same position as a private individual...
“It must, therefore, be taken to be the law that where the Government is dealing with the public, whether by way of giving jobs or entering into contracts or issuing quotas or licences or granting other forms of largesse, the Government cannot act arbitrarily at its sweet will and, like a private individual, deal with any person it pleases, but its action must be in conformity with standard or norms which are not arbitrary, irrational or irrelevant.”
These tests render the order of March 14 a nullity on the very face of it. The Courts can strike it down suo moto or on the petition of any citizen.
They will render high service if they did so. For, it will provide a speedy and effective cure to a mindset which is completely out of sync with constitutional values and curbs. Ads have been stopped to “small” papers which depended on them for sheer survival. On Fools' Day, it was disclosed that the list of Banga Bibhushan awardees, who received Rs. 2 lakh each, included artistes, poets and writers who had campaigned for the Trinamool. Didi looks after her own, albeit at public expense. An Urdu saying casts her in a different light — “Halvai ki dukan par nanaji ki fateha (Prayers for the soul of grandpa at the sweet maker's shop, at his cost).