By Smita Gupta
THE HINDU, March 27, 2012 00:05 IST
Ten
months after her massive mandate, the West Bengal Chief Minister continues to
be in election mode, obstructing difficult decisions by the Centre and
rejecting unpopular advice from State officials.
On March
19, West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee swept imperiously into
Parliament House to “persuade” Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to appoint Mukul
Roy as railway minister, and roll back much of the increase in rail passenger
fares, just hours after she had forced Dinesh Trivedi to put in his papers.
That accomplished, she pressured the Congress to withdraw its candidate for a
Rajya Sabha seat from West Bengal, enabling her to push four instead of three
of her nominees into the Upper House, before flying back to Kolkata. What did
the Congress receive in return? Yes, the Trinamool Congress didn't back the
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)'s amendments to the President's Address on the
National Counter Terrorism Centre (NCTC), but its MPs, ministers included, only
embarrassed the UPA government by walking out of both houses of Parliament.
Embarrassing
the UPA
It was
all part of a familiar pattern. Last year, Ms Banerjee torpedoed the Teesta
Waters Agreement with Bangladesh, embarrassing the Prime Minister; halted the
government's efforts to introduce FDI in retail; and after backing the Lokpal
Bill in the Lok Sabha, opposed it in the Rajya Sabha. This year, she joined
opposition Chief Ministers to railroad the NCTC and, for good measure, got MP
Ratna De to shred the general budget proposals in the Lok Sabha. “It's called
compulsive populism,” an exasperated State official told The Hindu.
If the
Trinamool out-opposes the real opposition in Delhi, Ms Banerjee plays Chief
Minister and Leader of the Opposition, by turn, in Bengal.
On March
3, four days after Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee led a procession through Kolkata in
an open jeep, she followed suit, bringing the city to a halt, accusing the Left
of maligning her government.
In the
State
Ten
months after she won a massive mandate, ending 34 years of Left rule in the
State, she remains in election mode, as determined to prevent the Centre from
taking difficult decisions, as she is to reject unpopular, if pragmatic, advice
from her officials. Instead, she has focused on the optics: after being
anointed Chief Minister at Raj Bhavan last year, she walked to Writers'
Building through a kilometre-long surging sea of humanity. Eight months later,
Ms Banerjee, en route to attend Republic Day celebrations, alighted from her
car at one end of Red Road — along which the parade passes — and walked to the
Maidan, where she was to receive Governor M.K. Narayanan. She ambled down, waving
to the cheering crowds: when she arrived, the Governor — in a reversal of
traditional protocol — was waiting for her.
Today, Ms
Banerjee still believes she only has to wave her wand, and Jangalmahal will be
magically transformed into a rural paradise, Darjeeling into a land of smiling
Gorkhas, Kolkata into London, and West Bengal into India's industrial giant.
But the jackboots she wears beneath that fairy godmother costume peep out each
time she cracks her whip to make civil servants and industrialists — like her
Trinamool colleagues — jump through the hoops. In January, she forced a
sheepish Chief Secretary and Director General of Police (DGP) to repeat her
claims on developmental works in front of an audience in Maoist-affected
Jhargram. A few days earlier, she reduced sharp-suited captains of industry and
foreign diplomats to schoolboy status: naming them individually from her
vantage point on stage at the “Bengal Leads 2012” business summit in Kolkata,
she asked them “what their problem” was — why were they not investing in
Bengal?
That
script went awry on March 14: in full TV glare, Mr. Trivedi refused to reverse
the hike in passenger fares, spotlighting not just disaffection in the
Trinamool, but also Ms Banerjee's unwillingness — as demonstrated in this
year's State budget proposals — to frontally address Bengal's economic crisis,
the key challenge to her government. Currently, as she struggles to pay
government salaries, a burden enhanced by 2,75,000 new jobs, State officials
despair. “In her first few months,” said one official, “she should have
increased resources through higher taxes and raised electricity tariffs. She
was so popular she would have got away with it. The longer she waits, the
tougher it will get.” This is, especially as Delhi has ruled out an economic
bailout for Bengal.
Credibility
at stake
She's
also unwilling to admit that anyone in her party or government can err. Last
year, she raised eyebrows when she marched into a police station to bail out
Trinamool hoodlums; this year, her unsympathetic response to a young woman who
was raped after leaving a nightclub on Kolkata's fashionable Park Street has
become a watershed for the city's middle class, even as growing incidents of
rape and political violence in rural Bengal in recent days have become grist
for the Left mill.
As Ms
Banerjee's personal credibility begins to take a beating, and there is little
on the credit side as far as governance goes, her party colleagues are staining
at the leash. Trinamool sources told The Hindu that Mr. Trivedi's demotion is fuelling discontent among its MPs,
with Mr. Roy's elevation angering them further: they believe his unsavoury past
will catch up with him and embarrass the party again. Of the party's 19 Lok
Sabha MPs, Mr. Trivedi and poet Kabir Suman (who'd already gone public with his
unhappiness), apart, Sudip Bandopadhyay, Kalyan Banerjee, Saugata Roy, Suvendu
Adhikari, Sisir Kumar Adhikari, Sucharu Ranjan Haldar and Somen Mitra
reportedly figure in the list of the disenchanted.
Ms
Banerjee needs to stem the rot, keeping a sharp eye on the Muslim vote, before
the panchayat polls next year when she will face her first electoral test after
she came to power. In last year's Assembly elections, she broke the Left's hold
over the 27 per cent strong Muslim population, pushing the latter's vote
percentage in the State down to 41 per cent.
Not
surprisingly, Rs.570 crore has been set aside for minority welfare in this
year's State budget.
So, has
the girl who clawed her way up from the slums of Kolkata to the seat of power
done anything right? “Her inability to take no for an answer can work well
occasionally,” a police officer admits. “Last year, when she wanted to recruit
home guards from Jangalmahal, she was told the rules forbade recruitment from a
specific region. When she remained adamant, a way out was found.” That's the
flip side of her total disregard for rules, procedures, or indeed the law, if
it comes in her way. But can she leverage her inclination to cut through red
tape to remain a force in Bengal politics? For that will determine her ability
to successfully scare Delhi about her imminent departure from the UPA — and
extract what she wants.
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