Introduction
The experience of running the Left Front
Government in West Bengal (1977-2011) is significant in many ways for the
Communist and Leftist movements in the state and in the whole country as well.
The long spell of 34 years of Left Front Government is unprecedented in the
history of parliamentary democracy. The Left Front Government had to traverse a
path on which no one had walked before. The way had to be traced only by striking
the path. The Left Front Government has played a historical role in
establishing human rights, developing democracy, strengthening the federal
system and bolstering secularism. In spite of its shortcomings, it has earned a
unique success. Our ideas and experience of running a left-led government at
the state level have been enriched by that success.
Along with the success, however,
limitations and weaknesses in running a state government have also been
perceived. Many impediments had also to be negotiated. Continuous attacks,
counter-publicity and conspiracy from the ruling classes had also to be
withstood. The sum of all these constitutes the experience of running the Left
Front Government. The relevance of these experiences does not disappear with the
removal of the Government. Specific discussions about and an understanding of the
experience are urgently needed to decide on the contours of future political
programmes.
The Left-led
Government and the Programme of the CPI(M)
For the CPI (M), the question of guiding
or participating in a government within the present state-structure is
connected with the strategic aims and tactical understanding of the Party.
There are clear directives about this in the Party Programme.
In India, Communists first formed a
state government under the leadership of Comrade E.M.S Namboodiripad in Kerala
in 1957. This government took some important steps including the spread of
democracy, land reforms and educational reforms. The class orientation of the
Communist Party was evident in those steps; however, the limitations of the
state government’s powers within the constitutional bounds of the
bourgeois-landlord state were also perceptible. The Congress held a near-total
power over the whole country at the time and felt nervous with the steps taken
by the Communist-led government in a single state. Taking the help of the CIA,
and with the Congress party leading all the anti-communist forces, a
‘Vimochana’ (‘liberation’) struggle was built up. In 1959, the Congress govt.
at the centre removed the Namboodiripad govt. by declaring President’s rule.
But the experience of those 28 months has later helped the Leftists to find the
way. It was in the light of this experience that the CPI(M) Party Programme
adopted by the 7th Congress in Kolkata in 1964 included paragraph
no. 112. The Programme of the undivided CPI (first adopted in 1951) did not
include any such concept. It stated that the Communist Party would participate
in Parliamentary elections and unite all Left and democratic forces to oppose
the absolute power of the Congress.
The strategic aim of the CPI(M)
Programme is the People’s Democratic Revolution, the establishment of a new
state-structure by changing the present state-structure. But the idea of a
Left-led govt., though a tactical issue, was included in paragraph no. 112.
Paragraph no. 112 states that the
left-led governments (though of limited power where the state power is
represented by the centre) may carry out “a modest programme of giving
immediate relief” to the people at the state level; but they are not able to
offer any radical solution to the political and economic problems of the
country. “The formation of such governments will give great fillip to the
revolutionary movement of the working people and thus help the process of
building the democratic front. It, however, would not solve the economic and
political problems of the nation in any fundamental manner. The party,
therefore, will continue to educate the mass of the people on the need for
replacing the present bourgeois-landlord state and government headed by the big
bourgeoisie even while utilising all opportunities for forming such governments
of a transitional character which give immediate relief to the people and thus
strengthen the mass movement.”
The call for realising this tactical
guideline of the 1964 programme was given in the mid-term Assembly elections in
Kerala in 1965 and in the fourth general elections in 1967. Though the Congress
emerged with a slim majority in the Lok Sabha in 1967, it failed to form
govt.’s in 8 states.
In 1967, a United Front Govt. was formed
in West Bengal by an alliance of the Leftist and some non-left democratic
parties opposing the Congress. In Kerala also, a United Front Government led by
Namboodiripad was formed. Specially, the defeat of the Congress in West Bengal
was an important event. In the context of urgent tasks, it led state politics a
step forward. In April 1967, a detailed discussion was made regarding the
Left-led Governments in a document of the CPI(M) Central Committee called “The
New Situation and the Party’s Tasks.” This document stated, “… to what extent
the people could be benefited, and in extending such benefits what real
possibilities could appear before the government. Without harbouring excessive illusions about additional benefits
and overcoming the despair that nothing can be done within the present system…”
we have to work.
One of the major issues with which the
Party’s ideas at that time were concerned was an uncertainty about the tenure
of the Left-led state governments. In the first place, the authoritarian
Congress govt. at the centre made an absolute misuse of the office of the
Governor to dislodge the Left-led governments. This happened in Kerala in 1959.
In West Bengal the same fate befell the first and second United Front
Governments in 1967 and 1970 respectively. In 1969, the United Front Govt. in
Kerala was again dislodged. Secondly, the coordination and unity among the
Leftist parties had not grown stable and mature at that time. The United Fronts
in West Bengal and Kerala had their own weaknesses also.
The Experience
of the Two United Front Governments
A Practical experience of running the
state administration in West Bengal was garnered through two spells of United
Front Government which were directed by minimum common programmes (an 18 point
programme for the first UF and a 32 point one for the second). The first United
Front Govt. survived from 2 March, 1967 to 21 November 1967. The period of work
for the second UF Govt. was from 25 February, 1969 to 16 March, 1970. Both
spells were short, a total of 22 months only. But even within that short span,
the struggle for land and the struggle for wages had started. The struggle for
the establishment and spread of democratic rights among all sections of the
people had started.
The UF Govt. had announced its decision
not to send the police force to curb democratic movements and justified trade
union movements. At that time the Calcutta Tramways Company was brought under
public control. During the UF rule, there was a significant increase in
industry-based, united workers’ movements and industrial strikes with demands
on wages, labour relations etc.
The UF Govt. gave priority to the land
reforms programme. For the first time, the eviction of the homeless from
homestead land under occupation and of bargadars
from barga land was stopped legally, though temporarily. The state govt. encouraged the
organisation of people’s initiative to retrieve khas and benami land. The
slogan was : occupy benami land, keep
it under control and cultivate the land. The politics in the state and the
balance of class-forces were transformed by the rise of new forces in rural
areas. Though short-lived, the UF Government made an unforgettable
contribution, when we consider it from this angle.
Naturally, the Congress took all
possible steps against the UF Govt. But the UF had its own underlying weakness.
There were many kinds of opportunist and compromising trends. There were
defects in the understanding of the common minimum programme among non-Left
partners of the United Front, even among
Leftist partners.
The Context of
the Left Front
During the United Front Government, the
people of the state witnessed a different shape of government initiative, one
which looked after the common man’s interests. This was a completely new and
positive experience which enriched the democratic movement in the state. It was
during the United Front era that the foundations of the formation of the Left
Front Government of 1977 were laid.
The maximum misuse of the office of the
Governor was observed on both occasions when the two UF Governments were
dismissed. During the mid-term Assembly elections of 1971, the Leftists were
disunited. Though the largest number of seats were won by the CPI(M), it was
not allowed to form the Government. The office of the Governor was treated like
a rubber stamp. Once more, the Congress received CIA assistance during this
period.
The Congress was not ready to tolerate
the presence of the Left even as an opposition in the Assembly, not to speak of
the treasury benches. To wield unchallenged power, the Congress turned the 1972
Assembly elections into a total mockery. Though the Party won 14 seats, it
boycotted the Assembly for the next five years. To capture the Assembly was not
enough for the Congress. As soon as they came to power, they issued an
ordinance to dislodge the Calcutta Corporation Board where the Left constituted
an elected majority.
The transition from United Front to Left
Front and from Left Front to LF Govt. did not happen in a single day, nor was
this an easy process. During this dreary journey, the CPI(M) has played an
exceptional role. In the field of politics, a relentless political struggle had
to be waged against revisionism on the one hand and against left sectarianism
on the other. At the same time, the work of consolidating the Left and democratic forces through the
formation of a front based on a common minimum programme had to be carried out
continuously. A united Left movement grew up on the basis of demands for
democracy.
It was after the declaration of the 1975 emergency that people all over
India witnessed the barbarity of Congress autocracy. In West Bengal, the
semi-fascist terror had started from 1971. During this spell of semi-fascist
terror, 1400 leaders, workers and organisers of the CPI(M) became martyrs. Thousands of Party workers
had to leave home. The struggle for democracy proved victorious in this state
through continuous movements, struggles, and numerous self-sacrifices. The
railway strike, the brutality of the emergency, the difficulties in agriculture
and industry and various other economic issues caused an explosion of
anti-Congress movement in the whole country. At the All-India level also, the
CPI(M) played a significant role at that time in unifying the people in the
struggle against authoritarianism and in organising the Left and democratic
camp.
At the crest of the wave of the
countrywide movement against authoritarianism came the 1977 Lok Sabha elections
which threw the Congress out of power at the centre. The spontaneous support of
the people of West Bengal caused a thundering victory of the Left Front in the
Assembly. The Left Front government was
formed under the leadership of Comrade Jyoti Basu.
The Party
Programme Updated (2000)
The updating of the Party Programme, as
accepted in 2000, was made on the basis of the experience gained in running
state govts, in West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura. In this updated Programme,
some important changes have been made in the statements on the powers and tasks
of the Left-led govts. These changes are not sudden either. The pre-liberalisation
and post liberalisation experiences of the two intervening decades and more
formed the basis of the updating of the Programme. “A modest programme of
giving immediate relief to the people” in the 1964 Programme was replaced by
paragraph 7.17 of the updated Programme, which spoke of Left-led governments
“pledged to carry out a programme of providing relief to the people and strive
to project and implement alternative policies within the existing limitations.”
Such governments had been termed “transitional” in the previous programme. This
term stands deleted, because “transitional”
might suggest that the temporary nature
of these pre-revolution governments is
taken for granted.
Paragraph 7.17 further states: “The formation of such governments will
strengthen the revolutionary movement of the working people and thus help the
process of building the people’s democratic front. It, however, would not solve
the economic and political problems of the nation in any fundamental manner.
The Party, therefore, will continue to educate the mass of the people on the
need for replacing the present bourgeois-landlords State and government headed
by the big bourgeoisie even while utilising opportunities for forming such
governments in the states or the Centre, depending on the concrete situation,
and thus strengthen the mass movement.”
In this context, it is worth mentioning
the guidelines in the document called “On Certain Policy Issues” (the second
part of the Political-Organisational Report) adopted by the 18th
Congress of the CPI(M) at New Delhi in
April, 2005 and the document called “Our Experience Regarding the Left-led
Governments and their Roles in the Present Situation” (the second part of the
Political Organisational Report) adopted by the 19th Congress of the
CPI (M) at Coimbatore in March-April, 2008.
Of course, the “alternative” policies of
the Left-led govts have to be understood in their proper perspective. This
“alternative” is never the ‘socialist alternative’ or the “people’s democratic
alternative”, not even the Left-democratic alternative at all times. As the 2008 document, “Our Experience Regarding
the Left-led Governments and their Roles in the Present Situation” asserted, “…
everything must be done in such a manner
so that the viewpoint of the Left led governments is seen to be people-oriented
and they uphold some alternative policies which are part of the Left and
democratic platform.” However, this is not supposed to mean that every left-
led govt. will execute every bit of the “alternative” upheld or one that should
be upheld by the Party all over the country. Therefore the same document states,
“While at the all India level the Party puts out alternative policies and seeks
to mobilize people in their sphere, it does not follow that all these
alternative policies can be put into operation in three states where we run
state governments.” (para 29)
It depends on the existing reality of
the relations of class forces how much of a given programme can be realized and
when. Only administrative goodwill cannot perform the task immediately. Much of
this reality depends on the actual situation of the states and the differences
in their economic, social and political levels. Even in West Bengal, Kerala and
Tripura, where the viewpoint of the Left-led governments is the same, the
priorities and methods in implementing a programme may not necessarily be the same.
Left Front Government : A Unique
Experience
The very first cabinet meeting of the
Left Front government decided to free all political prisoners.
The tribulations of the partition spelt
a calamity in the lives of the people of West Bengal. The cruel deception to
which the Bengal economy was subjected by the Centre brought the State to the
brink of ruin. The Left Front government brought in the stir of new life.
Immediately after taking the oath of
office, Jyoti Basu, the Chief Minister announced that the Left Front govt.
would not carry on its work from the Writers’ Building alone. It has, by
spreading democracy helped the people of rural and urban areas, especially the
working people, to stand up proudly. The foundations of democracy were
strengthened by panchayats on the one hand and municipalities on the other. Al
all levels of public life, a democratic milieu was created; the necessary
institutional structure was also formed by the Left Front govt. It announced
that the police would not be used against democratic movements. Not a single
event of the kind took place in 34 years. Organised democratic movement enjoyed
a new environment in this state and strengthened itself. The Left Front govt.
has always respected trade union rights. It has never sent the police force to
disrupt strikes. Government and semi-government employees were given the rights
to strike and launch other forms of movement and to form organisations. It has
never suppressed opposition political activity by force. The state govt. never
interfered with the freedom of the media. Even the news media most critical
about the govt. have received advertisements from the govt. The Left Front
Government was the first in the whole country to establish a Human Rights
Commission at the state level. The opposition in the parliamentary system was
shown proper respect at all levels: Assembly municipalities, panchayats.
Examples were set before the whole
country when the number of seats required to gain opposition party status was
lowered, the leader of the opposition was accorded the status of a cabinet
minister, the committee system was introduced, and when the opposition was
allotted half the total time of a discussion in the Assembly.
The Left Front govt. has played an
exemplary role in protecting secularism, communal amity and racial unity. It
guaranteed the security of minorities. The Left Front govt. has stood by
minorities during many episodes. West Bengal stood proudly aloof from the
anti-Sikh riots which plagued the whole nation in 1984 and from the countrywide
wave of riots following the destruction of the Babri Mosque in 1992. It was in
order to preserve racial unity that the hill council was established in the
hills. The govt. was always sincere in recognizing and respecting the Nepali,
Santhali and Urdu languages. The alchiki script was given recognition by the LF
govt.
The political will in running the administration in these matters had firm
roots in the class viewpoints of the Left which cast a positive effect on the
political, socio-economic and cultural milieu of the state.
The rights, respects, dignity and
security which are women’s due were guaranteed in the state by the Left Front
Government. This state has continuously maintained the top position in the
country so far as law and order are concerned. It was the Left Front Government
which set an example before the whole country when it reserved 50% of the seats
for women.
The Left Front govt. was an exception
when post-liberalisation corruption gained an institutional form at the centre
and in several states. It was the Left Front Government which first established
the Lokayata and even charges against the Chief Minister were brought under its
jurisdiction.
Land Reforms
In trying to realize an ‘alternative’
policy while running a state government with limited powers, land reforms
become an important task. The Land-reforms programme in West Bengal (procuring
land held beyond the ceiling, redefining land in order to bring excess land
within the khas land list, giving patta rights to the landless peasant and
ensuring the rights of bargaders through registration) has set an example for
the whole country. The land reform policy of the LF govt. bears comparison only
with those of the Left-led governments in Kerala and Tripura.
Though mass movements in retrieving benami land were encouraged during the
United Front era, it was not possible to provide legal security to the land
reform programme. The Left Front has, in several phases, amended land laws to
provide a legal shield for the land reform programme. Even the World Bank, in
its ‘World Development Report’ for 2006, praised the land reform programme of
the Left Front Govt.
As a result of these reforms, more than
three million peasants in West Bengal have received more than 11,27,000 acres
of land. About 37% of those who received patta
belong to the schedule castes, 18% to adivasi
communities and 18% to the minority communities. The land reform policy was
consciously linked to the question of challenging gender discrimination. That
is how women belonging to peasant families also received their patta and became landowners. More than
618000 pattas were issued jointly to
men and women and 161000 to women only. The distribution of pattas for land was a continuous
process. Land for distribution naturally diminished gradually but even between
2006 and 2010 during the tenure of the seventh LF Govt, 167800 acres of land
were distributed through pattas.
During that period, West Bengal was the only state in India to distribute surplus
land.
Only 3%
of the total land area in India is in West Bengal. And yet, this
state distributed almost one fifth of the land distributed through land reform in
India. 84% agricultural land in the state came to be owned by small and
marginal peasants as a result of land reforms. At the national level, the rate
is a little above 34%.
In West Bengal the legal rights of over
15,13,000 registered bargadars are well-protected. As early
as September 1977, the Left Front government amended the Land Reforms Act to
protect the bargadar from eviction. During the LF period, the recorded barga
land in the state amounted to about 11,15000 acres. Apart from this, land was
bought in order to allot up to 5 cottahs each free of cost to agricultural
labourers, rural artisans and fisherfolk under the ‘Agricultural and Residential
Land Grant’ project. Nearly 2 lakh families have been benefited by this project
. The decision to withdraw land-tax was another important contribution of this
period. It is an acknowledged fact all over the country that significant
changes in land relations have been caused by land reforms in West Bengal.
Feudal and semi-feudal relations in land have suffered injuries because of this policy.
In the first place, the land reforms
programme has immensely helped the development of agriculture. Secondly, it has
helped in the socio-economic empowerment of the rural poor in West Bengal. In
fact, what the Left Front government has achieved in land reforms despite
limited powers goes a little beyond “providing relief.” This programme of
change in land relations is part of the Left alternative. Some shortcomings in
effecting the land reform measures have come to our notice. In many cases the bargadars did not give the landlords the
proper share of the produce. As a result, this friendly section of the
peasants’ movement gradually grew hostile. There were defects in raising the
level of the struggle.
Success and
Problems in Agriculture
One of the major success stories for the
Left Front is in the field of agriculture. In the Congress period, West Bengal
was a deficit state in agricultural production. Every year since Independence,
people had to launch movements and march on the streets in demand for food. It
was in the period of the Left Front government that West Bengal emerged as a
surplus state in agricultural production. In 1976-77, the total production of
food crops was 74 lakh tonnes. In 2010-11, it stood at 170 lakh tonnes. It was
during the Left Front period that West Bengal topped the list of rice-producing
states, with an average rice production of 148 lakh metric tonnes annually,
which is 98% more than the production in 1977-78.
In the 1980s decade, West Bengal was the
first in the whole country in the rate of increase in agricultural production. At
the national level the rate of increase in agriculture was 1.6% in 2008-09. In
2009-10 it was 0.2%. In West Bengal, the rate was 4.4% in 2008-09, and 4.2% in
2009-10. Out of the total food crop production in the country, 8% is produced
by West Bengal (ASSOCHEM, 2010) although it has only 3% of the agricultural
land in India.
A major index of agricultural
development is crop intensiveness, that
is, more than one crop on the same plot of land. Here also, West Bengal had
reached the second position in the country. Crop intensiveness was 155% in
1992-93 and 192% in 2010-11.
At a moment of countrywide agricultural
crisis, West Bengal progressed in agriculture by 3.2% which was more than the
national average. The variety in agriculture, essential for an increase in the
peasant’s income, was also striking. During the LF government, West Bengal
reached the top position in vegetable production in India (a production of 130
lakh metric tonnes of vegetables other than potatoes). It was second in India
in potato production (almost 95 lakh metric tones). 35% of potatoes in the country was produced
in this state. In the production of
fruits and vegetables also, West Bengal was in the front rank, having 15% of
the total produce in the country. In the production of pineapples, lichis and
mangoes, West Bengal held the first, second and eighth positions respectively.
The development of the irrigation system
in the LF days was a noteworthy step to achieve success in agriculture. In
1977, only 32% of the land was irrigated. It went beyond 73% in the Left Front
era, although no effective measures were taken by the Central govt. in response
to the proposals of the state govt. regarding riverine planning in North and South
Bengal. Rather, the people of the state had to suffer much because the Damodar
plan was left incomplete.
Side by side with the success in
agricultural production, there was continuous improvement in fish production
during the days of the Left Front government. This helped West Bengal to
maintain the top place in the country. In internal [inland?] fish production,
the state topped the list among all states in the country for nearly two
decades. The total fish production in 1977 was 234000 metric tonnes. During the
Left Front period, fish production rose to beyond 15 lakh metric tonnes. This
was more than the state’s internal requirements. West Bengal produced more than
62% of fish-spawn required to meet the national demand. This progress in
pisciculture not only led to a record increase in fish supply to the state but
also extended employment opportunities widely. Pisciculture has had a role to
play in the economic development of rural and semi-urban areas.
During Left Front days, social forestry
took the shape of a mass movement all over the state. Though forest areas were
on the decrease in India, they increased in West Bengal in spite of its immense
density of population. Such areas increased from 13% in the 1980s to 16.6% in
the 1990’s. The Joint Forest Management in West Bengal earned the praise of
international experts because of the way it simultaneously protected forests
and opened up income opportunities for the poor. In 1992, West Bengal received
the Paul Getty award, famed to be the ‘Nobel Prize’ in wild life preservation.
However, in spite of the success in
agriculture, some problems appeared later. Though land reforms played a
historic role, the problem of continuous fragmentation of land was increasing.
The cost of tilling small landholdings had increased. As a result of
neo-liberal policies, prices of agricultural commodities became increasingly
uncertain; prices of fertilizers and seeds increased, as did the cost of using
agricultural implements. The additional cost of necessary investment posed a
grave problem for the small peasant. The problems of small and middle farmers
totally dependent on agriculture increased continuously. A section of bargadars and pattadars were forced to transfer land because they were unable to
till the land by themselves. Attentions had started being paid to the next
stage of landownership of small fragments of land, but no specific way had been
found. Various problems of this kind had led to a kind of status quo in
agricultural production generally. In providing irrigation, seeds, fertilizers,
equipment following new technology, electricity, no means suitable for the new
situation (such as the cooperative system) had been devised.
Importance was given to the increase of
agricultural produce, the diversification of crops, and the extension of
markets. True, there was some success in these areas, but much remained to be
done. There was a weakness in the supply of quality seeds; it was not possible
to overcome this by using seed farms. Nor could any alternative system be built
up in the preservation processing and marketing of agricultural commodities.
The multi-faceted development and
coordination of the cooperative movement were very important tasks. This was
not performed in all cases. In spite of problems, cooperative loans were
offered for agriculture and diversification of crops. Still, it was not fully
possible to rescue the peasant from the grip of the usurer. West Bengal can of
course claim a special success in issuing Kisan Credit Cards. But the necessary
effort in giving publicity to the project and getting the peasant interested in
it was lacking. As the role of public sector banks, cooperatives and government
investment in the agricultural sector had to be curtailed due to neoliberal
policies, it became difficult to tackle new problems.
Decentralisation
: Panchayats and Municipalities
It is the Left Front government which
has shown the way to the whole country, not only to West Bengal, in establishing
the modern Panchayat system. During the first three-tier Panchayat elections in
1978, the Left Front had correctly called for the uprooting of the vested
interests of the establishment in village after village. If land reforms
provided economic security to the rural people of the state, social and
political empowerment has been brought to them by the Panchayat during the LF
era. The Panchayat system has struck at the roots of the feudal social
relations and the power which had continued for generations past. The LF govt.
has held Panchayat elections regularly, the only state government in the
country to do so. Through Panchayats, development projects have been initiated
from the bottom layer. A little before the Constitution was amended, the fourth
Left Front Government effected reservation for women of at least one-third of
seats and that for scheduled castes and tribes in proportion with their numbers
in the population. The seventh Left Front Government enacted seat reservation
of at least 50% for women and proportionately for OBC’s. It is relevant to
state that the late Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi marked the decentralization
through panchayats in West Bengal as a model for the whole country when he was
inaugurating the East Zone Panchayat Conference in Kolkata in 1988. It should
be mentioned that the decentralization through panchayats and municipalities in
this state served as the basis for the 72nd and 73rd
constitution amendments. In 1992, even
before the 73rd amendment of the Constitution, the Gram Samsad was
formed in West Bengal to ensure the participation of the people in the
Panchayat system. In comparison with the rest of the country, Gram Samsads in
West Bengal have played an effective role. Through the activity of continuously
farming village development committees, conflicts and contradictions appeared
in villages, and even hostilities in some places, leading to instability in
rural life. In many cases, leftists were also unable to adopt an appropriate
role. The opposition took advantage of all this. The training of panchayat
members was an urgent necessity.
An important success was also gained in
the struggle to achieve a positive change in the socio-political and class balance
of the rural society through the three-tier Panchayat system. This programme
has also changed the sense of rights among the rural poor. The weaker sections
came to be represented in the leadership of the Panchayat system in West
Bengal. From this angle also, a new precedent was created in the country by
West Bengal Panchayats.
Not only through Panchayats in rural
areas, but also in the decentralization of power in urban areas through the
democratisation of the municipal system, the Left Front govt. took an
unprecedented initiative. It was the first Left Front Government which effected
voting rights for 18 year olds in municipal elections, thus setting a unique
example before the country. As in panchayates, so in municipalities also,
scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. Alongside rural development, the
increasing rates of new marketplaces in the countryside and of urbanization in
the state left the rest of the country behind. The number of municipalities
rose to 126 during the LF period. Regular elections to municipalities, unthought
of before 1977, now took place. Statutory means of the participation of common
people and development planning were adopted for municipalities also. Aiming at
decentralized urbanization, new development organizations and corporations were
created. Priority was given to civic amenities and especially to slum
development. The state government started the 100-day employmet guarantee
scheme in towns also. Decentralise power and involve the people in your work:
this basic outlook of the Left Front government was equally applicable to
Panchayats and municipalities.
It cannot be denied that our success in
local self-government was unparalleled. But even there, common people were
distanced from us by the spread of a narrow party-oriented mentality instead of
a class outlook, by nepotism and by corruption, however little. These lapses
became evident after the 2001 Assembly elections. We tried to overcome these
lapses but were practically unsuccessful. Particularly missing was the class
outlook in building the unity among the
poor. The APL/BPL difference introduced by the Centre created a division among
the poor to which, perforce, the state government, panchayats, municipalities
etc, became parties. The subjective considerations behind the formation of the
village development committees did not fit the reality. The division among the
people on this question has gone against us. The alienation from the people
increased because of the absence of popular initiative strong enough to develop
participatory democracy. This was reflected in the 2008 panchayat elections. In
rural areas and in some urban areas, hegemonism and undesirable intervention
took place and was not well received by common men and women. Apart from this,
in the later period, there was an excessive bureaucratic trend in the running
of panchayats and this also created problems.
Progress in
Human Development
West Bengal made significant progress
under the criteria of human development as a result of serial efforts of the
Left Front government even within the difficult circumstances of neo-liberal
policies. In each and every case, the Left Front govt. had to start almost from
scratch. Yet, it established an unprecedented example in human development.
Alleviation of poverty: The number of
persons living below the poverty line in West Bengal has continuously fallen
during the period of Left Front government. Before 1977, more than 58.6% of the
people in the state lived below the poverty line, taking the urban and the
rural together. As calculated by the planning commission, the figure had
already come down to 20.5% in 2004-05. In 1973-74, the average national
proportion of poor families was 56%; at that time, in West Bengal, the
proportion was 73%. The proportion in the state fell to 63% in 1983-84 and
further to 48% in 1987-88 and to 32% in 1999-2000. According to the information
provided by the Central government, West Bengal held the second place in the
rate of alleviation of poverty, immediately after Kerala. Poverty
Eradication in India by 2015: Rural Household Centre Strategy Paper (2010)
is a report of the Rural Development Ministry of the Central govt. It states
that poverty has been significantly reduced in West Bengal in 2005-06. Though
the population has increased, the number of villagers living below the poverty
line has come down in the state to a figure below the national average.
In spite of many problems, the picture
of continuous development was noticeable. In the days of the sixth and seventh
LF governments, the rate of economic growth in the state remained above the
national average. In the 2001-06 period of five years, the growth rate of
internal production in the state was 7.3% which was above the national rate of
6.7%.
Buying Power: As a result of
the economic development, in the rural areas of West Bengal alone, there was a
market of nearly 27000 crores of rupees for industrial commodities in 2010-11.
This was possible because the buying power of common people had increased. Alongside
buying power, savings also increased. In small savings, this state held the
first place in India, even up to the last day of the Left Front Government.
Literacy: The literacy rate in the state was 38.86% in
1971; in 2011, it rose t to 77%, much higher than the national average. In
spite of this progress, much more of an advance could have been made in 34
years in the field of literacy.
Education: Chaos and gross
indiscipline marked the condition of education in the state before the Left
Front came to power. Many hurdles had to be negotiated before a normal and
democratic condition could be restored in schools and in higher education; a
further big challenge before the state government was the extension of
educational opportunities together with improvement of qualities. The Left
Front government has been successful in achieving all these. We failed to
maintain the momentum on education from the 1990s onwards.
The greatest success was in primary
education. 99.6% of the students in the age group of 6 to 10 years were brought
into schools. 96% of the children could be brought under the scheme of mid-day
meals. The number of school dropouts was fast descending. It decreased to
1.8% at the primary level and to 5.4% at
the upper primary level. But there were problems about the standard of primary
education. There was scope for improvement in the quality and commitment of
teachers. On the question of learning the English language, it may be said that
it were better if changes had not been effected or if it had been optional.
Learning opportunities also increased at
a record rate at the secondary and the higher secondary levels. In 1977, less
than 2 lakh pupils appeared in the
Madhyamik examination. In 2011 the figure was about 10 lakhs. The number of
girls was more than that of boys among the examinees. West Bengal was the first
state to introduce the School Service Commission for appointing teachers, As
education spread, negative features like private tuition also increased.
There is no precedent in the whole
country for what has been done in the field of Madrasah education by the LF
govt. Salaries of madrasah teachers were
paid from govt funds; pension was introduced for them, as also higher scales;
syllabuses were modernised and the diplomas from madrasahs were recognised as
equivalents of those from school education. All this received the praise of the
whole country. In 1976-77, the state govt. spent 5,60,.000 rupees on madrasah
education. In 2010-11, the sum allotted by the state govt. was 605 crores of
rupees. The whole country praised the steps taken by the LF govt. in the
improvement of madrasah education.
In higher education also, the success
was striking. This has been acknowledged again and again by the University
Grants Commission. Though 46 Central universities were established after
independence, the Central govt. did nothing like that in West Bengal, apart
from declaring Tagore’s Visva Bharati to be a Central university. Incessant
pressure from the Left Front govt. led the Central govt. to establish ‘Indian
Institute of Science Education and Research’ in 2006, ‘National Institute of
Biomedical Genomix’ and a new campus of Aligarh University in Murshidabad in
2010.
It was the effort of the LF govt. that
led to the establishment of 14 new universities and a deemed university in West
Bengal, along with 200 new colleges. The tenure of the seventh Left Front govt.
alone saw the launching of 73 new degree colleges. The higher research that is
available in state-aided universities today developed almost wholly during the
LF period by stages. For further encouragement of minorities in higher
education, the Alia University was established.
Less than 200,000 pupils had
opportunities for higher education in 1976-77.
In 2011 institutions of higher education under the higher education
department of the state govt. had an intake of nearly 10 lakh 50 thousand.
For a long time, the modernisation of
professional and technical education stood partially ignored. There was a doubt
about whether the balance between school education and higher education in the
budget provisions for education favoured universalisation of education or not. It became difficult to
face the challenge of liberalization and the spurt of non-govt. commercial
educational institution.
Democratisation in higher education made
positive contributions to curb the chaos which prevailed during the Congress
rule and to develop the quality of teaching-learning and research. But there
were also some undesirable political interventions. Party-based elections in
managing committees were not necessary.
Health : Neo-liberal
policies greatly reduced government expenditure in areas like health services
and pushed them into the costly ways of the open market. In such a situation,
an alternative mode was adopted by the Left Front government to serve the
interests of the people as far as possible. In 1977, in the health sector also,
the LF had to start its work in a hopeless situation. There were only 1326
hospitals/health centres. The number increased to 12000 in 2010. Family welfare
centres increased 10 times during this period. 73% of the people received their
medical treatment from govt. hospitals in the state, while the figure for the
whole country was 40%. As a result, West Bengal was far ahead of the national
average in life expectancy, birth rate, death rate, delivery death rate and
infant deaths. The national rates for life expectancy was 65.8 years (men) and
68.1 years (women) while in West Bengal they stood at 68.25 years (men) and
70.9 years (women). The birth rate for India is 22.8 per thousand white for
West Bengal it is 17.5 per thousand. In West Bengal, the birth rate in urban
areas was 12.4, while the national rate was 18.5. The death rate at the
national level was 7.4 per thousand while in West Bengal it was 6.2 per
thousand (the lowest in the country). Delivery death at the national level was
254 persons per lakh; while in West Bengal the figure was 141 per lakh. Infant
deaths amounted to 53 per thousand (national) and 35 per thousand (West Bengal,
4th place).
Diagnostic centres were introduced in
govt. hospitals and health centres. This provided some relief to poor and
middle-class people. On the other hand, more control over non-govt. health
establishments was needed. It was during the tenure of the Left Front govt.
that the University of Health Sciences, new medical colleges, dental colleges,
nursing and paramedical courses were established. The number of seats at
diploma, graduation and PG levels increased by 3 to 6 times.
It must, however, be conceded that, in
spite of such success, there were inadequate infrastructure in the health
sector and consequent problems. “the primary health centres and overall health
care sector could not maintain standards and quality of service as people
expected.”
Culture : The LF govt.
played an appropriate role in creating an environment for practicing a
salubrious culture and developing variety and plurality in the cultural field.
A decent and democratic ambience for the practice of folk culture, films and
literature was prepared. The state govt. came forward to encourage little
magazines also. Bangla Akademi, Hindi Akademi, Urdu Akademi, Santhali Akademi, Nepali
Akademi, Centre for Folk and Adivasi Culture (with its North Bengal branch in
2010) : all these were established during the period of the LF govt. Another
important aspect is the 34-year-long maintenance of a secular milieu in social
life, which was made possible through the development of plurality and variety
in culture.
Helping the
People under Attack from Neo-Liberal Policies
In February 2002. the 20th
West Bengal State Conference of the CPI(M) adopted a document called ‘‘the Left
Front Government and our Tasks.’’ In this, it was stated, “The question of the
creation of working days in implementing each project of the state government
must be given central importance.”
During the days of the seventh Left
Front govt., the ‘Agricultural and Residential Land-Grant Project’ was
introduced for agricultural labourers, rural artisans and fisherfolk. This was
done to further integrate the work of land reform. No such attempt had been
made anywhere else in the country at the time.
The LF govt. took a number of steps, not
only in villages but in urban areas too, to allot residential plots to the
poor. These included unconditional greats of land to the refugees, amendments
of the Thika Praja Rights Act, grants of 99-year lease for only one rupee to
those who had lived on government land for more than 20 years, etc.
Prices of commodities in everyday use
have increased as a result of neo-liberal policies of the Centre. The Central
govt. has taken no measures to case the ever-increasing pressure of price-rise
on the poor and the middle class. In levying taxes, the LF govt. has tried to
provide relief to the pressurised common people from the cruel conditions
demanded by the open market. The extra pressure has been borne by the state
coffers.
The state govt. provided a subsidy of
400 crores of rupees to save potato producers harmed by the glut of 2009-10.
Potato is a cash crop; the peasant would suffer from uncertainties in potato
prices. That is why the state govt. stepped in.
We also provided subsidies in
electricity for the sake of the poor and the middle class. For people in straitened
or impoverished circumstances, the state govt. provided subsidies worth Rs. 120
crores when the State Electricity Control Commission raised power tariff in
July 2010. As a result, the tariff actually proved less than before for 20 lakh
consumers. For 22 lakh more, the tariff remained unchanged. To lessen the
suffering of the common people from the price-hike in petrol and diesel, as far
as possible, the state govt. slashed the sales tax on these commodities and
accepted a loss of revenue to the extent of nearly 200 crores of rupees.
With sincerely, the LF govt. has stood
by the self-help groups. There were 3 lakh 80 thousand self-help groups in West
Bengal in 2006. In 2011, these went beyond the target and rose to 15 lakh. Of
the total membership of over 150 lakh, 90% were women. The total amount saved
by these groups was more than 2000 crores of rupees. Aiming to increase their
income resources, the LF govt. subsidised the interest paid on their bank
loans. The groups paid only 4% as interest because the state govt. paid the
rest of it (7%) as subsidy. A new example was set before the country when
self-help groups were employed as agents for collection of rice and paddy. The
seventh LF govt. established a new department of the state govt., the
‘Department of Self-help and Self-Employment.’ Among Central govt. self-help
projects, West Bengal reached the top position. In the ‘Prime Minister’s
Employment Generation Programme,’ a Cenral project, West Bengal was recognised
for best performance.
The LF govt. took the responsibility of
paying the salary, pension, family pension, D.A. at central rates not only to
state govt. employees, but also to the teachers and other employees of schools,
colleges, madrasahs, universities and to the employees of Municipalities,
Panchayats and cooperatives. The process of regular appointments in primary and
secondary schools and madrasahs continued. The state govt. never reduced
salaries, pension, family pension and D.A.
On the Problems
and Developments of Religious Minorities
Since partition, the Muslim minority
community in this state, continuously pressed to a corner socially,
economically, politically, educationally and culturally, had become used to a
life of helpless insecurity. What became overridingly important was the question
of security in an atmosphere of dormant communalism or rampant riots. During
the Left period, an environment of decentralized and extended democracy,
especially the totalized and general programme of land reforms and human
development, led to a certain development even among this backward section. It
was possible to bring them on a participatory basis into mass enterprises and
mass movements enriched with secular consciousness ad aimed at self-respect and
equal rights. The spread of school education among girls from Muslim families
had unprecedented success. To ensure their participation in higher education,
educational institutions were established; alongside, Muslim girl students’
hostels under Wakf Board were established and these were the first examples in
the whole country. This state was the first to introduce scholarships for
higher education and professional education from its own funds even before the
practice became countrywide after the Sachar Committee recommendation. Apart
from extending Madrasah education, this
state alone modernized Madrasah syllabuses to make them equivalents of high
school syllabuses. On the basis of the Kidwai commission report, the Alia
University was established to promote Madrasah education to the college and the
university levels. Along with this, professional training designed for to the
times also became an available opportunity to ensure vertical mobility and
horizontal migration. The participation of young people from the minorities in
self-help programmes were noticeably increased through vocational training
programmes and low-interest micro-finance programmes. In this task, the W.B,
Minority Development and finance Corporation continued to win the distinction
of the best in the country for more than a decade. During the same period,
residential schools were established through social enterprise in many
districts to spread quality education. In this task, the corporation played a
significant role by directly assisting pupils in adversity to spread modern
education in an underdeveloped socio-economic environment. Accepting the report
of the Ranganath Commission, we started job-reservation for backward Muslim
Communities. We did not receive a favourable response because of delays due to
constitutional compulsions.
Though the positive role of the Left
Front Government led to the growth of a new generation of educated middle class
among the minorities, deficiencies persisted in finding income-oriented avenues
for them and integrating them with the political-cultural milieu. Actually, the
kind of importance we gave to the question of security from the nineteen
sixties, was missing in launching an adequate research on the demands raised
after the nineteen nineties on questions of ‘identity’ and ‘participation.’ Political,
orginisational and administrative weakness prevented the devising of programmes
based on such investigation.
Social Security
for the Marginalised
Facing the stiff challenge of
liberalisation in a national and international context, the Left Front government
prioritized social security projects as part of the Left alternative programme.
The LF govt. had started some projects in the pre-liberalsation period too. It
emphasised the social security projects in the 1990’s when neo-liberal policies
at the national level had made the life of the common people unbearable.
The first LF govt. had introduced the
Disabled Allowance (form 1980), Old Age Allowance (from 1979), Peasants’
Allowance and Widows’ Allowance. The amount given as allowances of this kind
were later increased; the number of recipients also increased. Naturally the
increase in the amount of allowance was always in our consideration. Several
projects were also started through the Welfare Board for workers in the
organised sector and their children.
In 1998, the LF govt. started monthly
financial assistance for workers of closed factories and closed tea gardens in
the state. This measure had no precedent in any of the states.
In 2001, for the first time in the
country, West Bengal witnessed the introduction of Provident Fund for agricultural
labourers and workers in the unorganized sector. Not only that; the LF govt.
also introduced health security scheme for those enrolled in the provident Fund
for more than 2 years.
The seventh LF govt, took steps for
pension and other benefits for nearly 25 lakh transport workers. When the court
issued an order that all modes of transport in the Kolkata Metropoliton area
constructed before 1 April, 1993, should be replaced, many vehicles were not so
replaced; as a result, many transport workers lost their jobs. For each of
those workers, the state govt. issued an assistance of 2 thousand rupees,
something unknown in the country heretofore. For bidi workers ‘West Bengal Bidi
Workers’ Welfare Project’ was introduced. In the State Health Insurance Scheme
of the Central govt., the state govt. paid the dues for each worker. The worker
did not have to play anything.
For construction workers, too, pension,
family Pension, house building allowance and other welfare projects were
introduced by the State Govt. For this, ‘West Bengal House and other
Construction Workers’ Welfare Council’ was introduced.
Agricultural laboures are a part of the rural proletariat. In our
state, their minimum wage was comparatively low and there was a weakness in
adopting specific social security projects for them.
Another project without any precedent in
the country, the Provident Fund Scheme for landless agricultural workers, was
introduced in 1998 by the LF Govt.
At the child Labour Residential Schools
800 rupees per child worker was paid every month. Eight such schools wee opened
in 8 districts.
Rice at 1 rupee per kilo was sold to
2.64 crores of poor people by the LF Govt., a benefit enjoyed not only by BPL
but by the poor among APL too.
During the tenure of the seventh LF
Govt., the “Policy Regarding Hawkers in Urban Areas” was adopted (October 2009).
This is a novel measure in protecting the interests of the hawkers and giving
them legal recognition.
Continuously, importance has been given
to the construction of brick-built houses for the poor and family toilets under
Indira Abas Yojana. In 2009, the Housing department started the ‘My House’
project for the poor. Brick-built houses were constructed for those poor people
who had none and whose income was Rs. 6000 or less per month. This project was
realised by associating the Minority
Development Department and other departments with it. The Urban Development
department worked for the improvement of slums and accorded priority to the
construction of new houses for slum dwellers.
According to a report of the Central
Govt. (2010), West Bengal held one of the top three positions in the country
among states building houses for the rural poor. For constructing houses for
the poor people belonging to minority communities, West Bengal held the second
place.
Another important effort in the field of
social security was the LF Government’s liberal arrangement for stipends, scholarships
and financial assistance to poor and meritorious pupils, specially those
belonging to backward communities and minorities. Cycles were gifted to girl students. Nearly 5
lakh students of the Muslim community enjoyed pre-matric scholarships.
Nearly 26 lakh pupils (class 5 to class
10) belonging to scheduled castes and scheduled tribes received grants from the
LF Govt. for buying books and paying examination fees. In 1977-78, the number
of such pupils was less than 15,500.
The LF Govt. in West Bengal was the only
state govt. in the whole country which paid old age pension for Adivasis.
Advasis constitute 6% of the state’s population; but 18% of those benefiting
from land reforms during Left Front days belonged to Adivasi communities. It
was the LF Govt. which brought ‘LAMPS’ workers within the orbit of the state
pay commission. In realizing ‘Mahila Samriddhi Jojana’ and ‘Adivasi Mahila
Swashaktikaran Jojana’, West Bengal topped the list of states. It is relevant
to state here that the Left Front Govt. was the first to accord recognition to
the use of Santhali language in official work and in the education sector. It
was the Left Front Government which introduced education through the Nepali
language from the primary to graduation and postgraduate levels.
These enterprises make it clear how the
Left Front government was looking for a Left alternative in spite of
constitutional limits and adverse circumstances. Many of these programmes were
adopted in the last 3/4 years of the LF government. There were problems in
their attaining reliability. In spite of all this, the harassment faced by the
poor in obtaining ration cards, BPL cards and testimonials made the
impoverished and backward people angry with us.
The Situation
Preceding the 1994 Industrial Policy
At the time of independence, West Bengal
was the most industrially developed state in India. But in the
post-independence period, this situation rapidly deteriorated. The main cause
of this downsliding was the so-called freight equalization policy of the Nehru
era. Earlier, West Bengal had a comparative advantage because raw material
required for industries was easily available. The Centre’s freight equalization
policy took away that advantage. Apart from that, the Central Govt. and its
bureaucracy used the industrial license policy to thwart the progress of
industrial development in West Bengal. Several interested lobbies saw to it
that profits from industries in West Bengal are not recycled into this state or
elsewhere in the eastern zone as reinvestment.
Though there was public sector
investment in this state after independence, the rate of investment slowed down
from the mid-1960’s.It is relevant to state that, due to historical reasons,
West Bengal was one of the first few states in India to be industrialized. Many
of the industries in the state were too old and naturally losing efficiency. In
many cases Central public sector units closed down but no appropriate step was
taken to modernize or reopen them. The change in the political climate of the
1960’s had a somewhat adverse effect on industrial relations; this is used as
an excuse for the waning of industrial investment in the state.
The industrial situation in West Bengal
reached its worst in 1972-77. Not only did public and private investment
decrease, but there was a huge shortfall in power which is so necessary for
industries. The situation was further degenerated by a climate of political
chaos.
Renewed efforts for an industrial
development in the state began after the Left Front government assumed power.
The first industrial policy statement of the LF was made in 1977. On the
question of investment, priority was given to the public sector. Efforts for
power production received emergency treatment. Strong demands for the
withdrawal of the freight equalization policy and licensing policy were made.
But no sympathetic response was received from the Central Govt. on any of the
issues.
Trade Union rights were also given
importance in the declared industrial policy of the LF, because we have always
thought that workers must participate honourably to achieve industrial
development.
At the end of the emergency and in the
post-1977 period, a new situation emerged. The tenth Congress of the CPI(M)
(Jalandhar, 1978) reviewed this situation and prepared a tactical line. It was
stated that it was no longer enough to consider the Left-led governments only
as “weapons of struggle.” The fulfillment of the hopes and aspirations of the
people must be incorporated, along with their needs for development and
organising the people on questions of alternative policy. The questions that
came to the fore were how to fulfill our commitment to the people and how to
present them with a government different from that of the bourgeois parties.
Also in 1984-85, when the Haldia project
was founded as a joint enterprise with the private sector, we had discussed the
matter in the Party (approved at the 12th Party Congress, 1985) and
reached the understanding that our policy would have to be realized within the
bourgeois landlord system. Industries were not coming up because the Central
policy was discriminatory; but industries were necessary for generating
employment. Industries with the help of private capital had emerged at that
time as a tactical necessity.
Keeping Haldia Petrochemicals and
Bakreswar Thermal Power Station in front of us, the industrial development
became a statewide political issue. Because the attitude of the Centre on this
issue was unflinching, the state govt. decided to build Haldia Petrochemicals
as a joint enterprise with the help of private capital. This was a completely
new aspect of the issue of developing industries in the state. In the 1980’s,
the Central govt. had offered a ridiculous reason to prevent the establishment
of electronic industries at Salt Lake. The state govt., therefore, had to
proceed on its own venture within a limited economic ability.
We laid emphasis on effective execution
of whatever little lay in the jurisdiction of the state government, since the
Central policy was discriminatory. The matter of small and medium industries
was within the state government’s power. As early as the 1980’s, West Bengal
topped the list of all states in the country for its success in small
industries. Rural economy progressed through land reforms. As a result, fresh
markets were created. Consequently, an appropriate climate was created for the
development of small and medium industries. But the old public sector units and
the big private sector units either weakened or closed down, thus throwing into
crisis the small and medium units dependent on them.
But we had to take into consideration
that land reforms was not a step complete by itself; its merits could not be
sustained unless industrial development followed. Land reforms is a
precondition for industrialization. The possibility of employment generation in
agriculture was on the wane. The demand for new employment resources could not
be met by agriculture alone. Nor could this shortfall be satisfied by the
ancillary areas. The development of education in rural areas was gradually
attracting village youth towards jobs outside the agricultural sector. All in
all, it was because of the special characteristics of our state that it was
becoming imperative to add speed to the process of industrialisation and extend
big and medium industries as far as possible. The Left Front Government tried to utilise all such
opportunities.
In 1991, the Congress Government at the
Centre, led by Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao, adopted a neo-liberal path.
This new policy changed the situation qualitatively. The neo-liberal policy put
unbearable pressure on the common people. The possibility of public sector
investment in industrial development had been destroyed by the neo-liberal
policy.
Apart from industries, the neo-liberal
policy affected two other areas of the economy which are important for the states. First, the increase in
agricultural production lost pace noticeably all over the country. Secondly,
Central investment in the social sector was decreased. The fall in the allotment
of public funds in important areas like health and education hit the lives of
common people very hard.
The Left Front Government could not
remain aloof to all these. To the already limited fiscal power of the state,
this new responsibility was added. It was in the interests of the common people
of the state that the enhancement of the state’s own resources was urgent. This
could not have been done without the rapid growth of industries. In the context
of the economy of the state, the question of investing in new industries
because a pressing question.
The rights won by working people were
also under heavy attack due to neo-liberalism. We have continuously opposed
these attacks and tried to counter them as far as possible.
The LF Govt. had opposed the dangerous
directions taken by the neo-liberal policies. It also submitted to the Central Govt. a set of alternative
proposals. The Chief Minister Jyoti Basu, addressing the National Development
Council in Delhi on 22 December, 1991, submitted his views on the eighth plan
(1992-97), indentifying the dangerous aspects of the neo-liberal policies and
tabling well-thought-out alternative plans. But the Central govt. turned a deaf
ear to them. Not only at the Centre, but the governments led by the bourgeois
parties in State after state launched activities oriented to neo-liberal
policies. As a result, it was necessary to review the powers of the Left-led
government and its tasks in the light of this new situation.
As an inevitable corollary to the
neo-liberal policies, the state refused
to play its welfare role and left everything to the so-called open market. It
also tried its utmost to launch structural reforms as prescribed by
imperialism. All these made the task of the Left Front Government in playing
its role in the interest of the people more difficult than ever. The state’s
‘limited powers’ of pre-neoliberal days became practically more limited in the
neo-liberal era. This opened up a discussion on what the Left Front Govt. could
do in such a situation, what alternative it could pursue and how.
In 1995, the political-organisational
report, adopted by the 15th Party Congress of the CPI(M) at
Chandigarh, said : “We can use the state governments to project alternative
policies and to provide relief to the people in areas where the state
government had jurisdiction.”
About West Bengal, the political
resolution of the Chandigarh Congress stated in para. 2.87 that the Left Front
government “has shown that within the present framework the Left can implement
certain alternative policies. Within the limitations of the Constitution it has
done a great deal for the people particularly the working class, the toiling
peasantry as well as the middle class employees.”
Of course, the Chandigarh Party Congress
had a relevant backdrop. The document to be specially mentioned here is the
resolution adopted by the Central Committee on 27-29 December, 1994, “On the
Role of the West Bengal Left Front Government in the Context of the New
Economic Policies. This was the first document adopted by the Party to
reappraise how the Left Front Government can chalk out a path of development
and formulate policies in a new situation.
Industrial
Policy Statement 1994
It was impossible for the Left Front
Government to pronounce a separate economic policy for only one constituent
state. However, to protect the interests of the people of the state in a new
situation, we had to think of possible alternative efforts.
Industries were a must for the sake of
the state’s economy and for extending job opportunities. But industrialisation
was not possible without private capital, Indian or foreign, because
neo-liberal policies had scratched out state investment in this sector. Nor was
it permitted by the limited financial abilities of the state govt. In such a
background, the question of new steps becomes urgent. When thinking of new
steps, we took everything into consideration: The special characteristics of
West Bengal, natural resources, social infrastructure, market trends, the
political situation, limitations/weakness.
At the same time we noticed that,
whatever the intention of the ruling classes in relaxing the freight
equalisation policy and the licensing policy, such relaxation had incidentally
removed some of the difficulties posed
by a discriminatory Central policy which stood in the way of industrial
development in the state. It also created opportunities of participation in a
competition aiming at extending industries. We decided to explore the
opportunities as far as possible, keeping in mind the success in agriculture
and the socio-economic progress in the
state.
After a comprehensive analysis of the
situation, the new plan of the Left Front government was prepared under the
leadership of Chief Minister Jyoti Basu. On 23 September, 1994, the Chief
Minister announced the ‘Industrial Policy Statement’ in the State Assembly.
This was not a sudden announcement. This
new plan was adopted after reviewing the past experience in running the
administration and on the basis of discussions with all concerned. The priority
areas were specified on the basis of discussions and reviews carried on with
trade unions, chambers of commerce and specialists. Raw material and
infrastructural opportunities were also taken into consideration. In this
industrial planning of the LF govt., the future-oriented areas of priority were
steel, petrochemicals, engineering, leather, information technology, food
processing etc.
The industrial Policy Statement of 1994
tried, as far as possible, to eschew the anti-people character of
neo-liberalism. It was stated that emphasis would be given to the important
role of the public sector alongside encouragement to private capital. Public sector,
joint sector, private capital : all would participate in the
industrialisation of the state. Revival
of the public sector was also given importance. This policy was directly in
opposition to the Central policy of closing down public sector units
indiscriminately.
The Left Front government was also
against any compromise on issues involving workers’ and employees’ rights.
Importance was given to the conscious role of the working class in accepting
the challenge of industrialisation in the state and to maintain productivity in
industries.
Invitation to Indian or foreign capital
was not unconditional. From the point of view of the Left Front government, two
things had to be specially noticed when welcoming foreign capital: (1) whether
new technology was being introduced; (2) whether new employment opportunities
were being created.
The preconceived notion, that ‘West
Bengal is not a comfortable place for industrial investment,’ was one of the
hurdles on the way to investment. Extra efforts had to be made to overcome this
misconception.
To attract capital investment from all
areas of the country, a stiff contests with other states had to be negotiated.
In this competition to attract capital, all states offer some extra
opportunities to investors. There is stiff contest here also. We had to build
up a system of competitive empowerment from within the accumulated wealth of
the state, without striking any compromise on principles.
The efforts of industrialisation started
in 1994 gathered momentum slowly after 2000. As a result, during the 1991-2008
period, on the question of the amount of industrial employment, West Bengal
reached the third position in the country. The investments were chiefly in iron
and steel, manufacturing, petrochemicals, information technology, food
processing etc. The investment in 2005 was of 2515.58 crores of rupees; the
amount increased in the years that followed. There were investments of Rs.
5072.26 crores in 2007, Rs. 4434.50 crores in 2008 and more than Rs. 15000
crores in 2010.
An important precondition of industrial
development is general and social infrastructure. We had started working on it.
To create new human resource to meet the
requirements of new industries posed a challenge. This work had to be done
rapidly. Therefore, in this field also, private investment was encouraged,
though that was confined to engineering and other technology. Our state soon
rose high in knowledge-based industry through the creation of advanced human
resource.
Planned urban development was needed for
this new industrialization. That work had also started. The largest project was
Rajarhat-New Town. But planned urban development was not Kolkata-centric.
Projects came up at Siliguri, Durgapur, Asansol industrial belt and Khargpur
area. The project for a new airport at Andal was undertaken. Following
continuous efforts, power production in the state reached a level where it
could meet new demands. Power situation in West Bengal has improved at an
unprecedented rate. Only 1615 megawatts of electricity used to be produced in
1977. At the end of 2010, the figure stood at 9974 megawatts. This was to the
state’s advantage in attracting investment for industries. In rural
electrification, too, we have many success stories. To reach out of every
family with electricity was only a short wait away.
Special Economic
Zones (SEZ)
The Central govt. effected the law on
SEZ in 2006. The approval for these zones used to be given by the Central govt.
According to their plan, investors in SEZ would enjoy tax concessions,
relaxation of labour laws and appropriate infrastructure. The Central govt.
gave effect to this law without giving it a proper thought. The reality that
emerged was the purchase of huge chunks of territory by private investors who
took advantage of this law. Instead of bringing in foreign technology or
meeting special needs, real estate business boomed in these zones. From the
first, we had opposed indiscriminate and thoughtless approval of SEZ. We never
accepted land speculation, irregular trade in real estate, and hire-and-fire
rule for workers.
What we took up as the task of the state
govt. was the creation of SEZ in a compulsive and competitive situation, zones
which will be product-specific and won’t need much land.
In reality, only 11 SEZ were put into
operation in West Bengal. As many as 9 were related to IT. The largest SEZ had
an area of 48 acres. All 11 SEZ taken together enjoyed a total of 210 acres.
Compared to this, even a small state like Goa had 250 acre SEZ. We set the
conditions that 75% of the allotted land area must be covered by industries and
related infrastructure; and that labour laws won’t be relaxed.
On Acquisition
of Land
Land in required for new industries. Vacant non-agricultural
land is rarely available in our state. These plots have to be indentified in a
planned manner. Such land has been acquired on the basis of negotiations and
agreement.
The total amount of arable land in our
state is 135 lakh acres. To execute all future plans of the state government,
scarcely 1 lakh acres would have been needed, that is to say, only 1% of the arable land. It was decided that
fertile land would be spared as far as possible during acquisition. In reality,
there was not the slightest possibility of putting food security at risk in
acquiring land for industries and infrastructure development.
In acquiring land for industries and for
infrastructure development through discussion with people, not much obstruction
was faced anywhere. Not the state govt. alone, land for PMGSY (Pradhan Mantri
Gram Sarak Yojana) has to be acquired through donations of land. The govt. does
not buy land. During the tenure of the Left Front govt., nearly 9500 kilometers
of roads were constructed under PMGSY in West Bengal. The people of the state
donated land voluntarily. There was no problem.
However little the land really needed
for industries, however realistic the government’s plans, what is important is
to form a close relationship with the people before extending industry and
infrastructure; to explain to the common people, with care, our class outlook
in utilising land for extending industries and infrastructure, why
industrialisation is needed in the common people’s interest, for the sake of
the state’s economy. One must remember that the issue of land is not only a
matters of compensation and rehabilitation. For the peasant, it is a very
sensitive issue.
Exceptions :
Singur and Nandigram
On the question of acquiring land for
industries, problems emerged in two cases, at Singur and at Nandigram, for underestimation of the farmer’s
consciousness about land. The circumstances, however, were different in the two
cases.
Primary planning for a petrochemicals
complex at Nandigram with the assistance of the Central Government was
made. But the project was early
discarded because a section of the local people raised objections. However, the
opinion of the people went against us because of the unnecessary initiatives of
a section of the local leadership.
At Singur, peasants voluntarily allowed
the acquisition of 82.82% of the land. The amount of compensation was decided
on the basis of discussions with them (the amount still remains the highest in the country). But the
agreement of owners of 17.18% of the land was not received. Not all of them can
be called ‘unwilling’. Some of them did not even have the necessary documents.
Some were misled also.
A political chaos was created all over the state. Even after 90% of the car
project was complete, the Tatas cancelled it and left. This incident gifted the
whole country with a big question mark about future investment in the state.
All anti-Left political forces were
fielded on the land acquisition issue, using Singur and Nandigram as focal
points. Attempts of direct resistance against all efforts of industrial and
infrastructural development were made. A negative message about the
possibilities of industries in the state spread throughout India. The whole
state witnessed political turbulence. All anti-Left forces (of this state and
the whole country) unitedly joined the issue: from the Maoists to the
right-wing communal forces, from the corporate media to NGO’s funded from
mysterious sources. A section of the so-called ‘civil society’ also joined
them. A ‘rainbow alliance’ was formed under the leadership of the Trinamul
Congress. Without any care for the law
or the judiciary, they fielded their forces under the garb of the violent
Maoist bands. The other opposition forces also became gradually visible around
the ‘rainbow alliance.’ The role of the Central government also gradually grew
hostile.
In general, the urban people were for
industrialization. But some of them thought that the land acquisition by the
government went against the interests of the peasants. On this question, the
opposition was able to organize opinions against the state govt. and create
widespread confusion. Our distance from the common people began to widen. Even the higher reaches of the administration
and the police force were affected. Attempts were made to push the
administration into inaction.
We were influential among advasis of the Jangalmahal in the 3 districts of the western part of the state. We
had stressed the agriculture development, education, health and communications
in that area. Priority was given to the increase of job opportunities in this
area. It was here that we first started the project of selling rice at 2 rupees
per kilo to the poor. But the Maoists had increased their activities in this
area which is close to inter-state boundaries. Trinamul was directly helping
them. The situation became more complicated with the problem of land
acquisition in the state and defeats in the Panchayat elections of 2008 and Lok
Sabha elections of 2009. As a result, our supporters also started getting
confused. This situation was utilised by the combined alliance of Trinamul,
other anti-Left forces and Maoists. “LF government took consistent stand on
restructuring of Centre-State relations and the rights of the states in a
federal set-up. This applies in the political, administrative and financial
spheres. This was seen in the National Development Council, for implementation
of Sarkaria Commission recommendations and review of Article 356 of the
Constitution, the role of the Governor etc.”
Revenue and
Expenditure of the State Government
There is a serious imbalance between the
constitutional structure and the
financial structure in our country. This structure centralises fiscal wealth in the hands of the Central
government, but the main responsibility of allocating funds to the most
important areas of common people’s lives (e.g. education, health) rests with
the state government.
The Left Front govt. felt this problem more
keenly, committed as it was to a specific class outlook. In collecting
resources, it always tried to exempt poorer people, while in allocating funds,
the lion’s share was to provide for the needs of this section which were always
kept in consideration. Common people were never unreasonably taxed. Even if
some commodity was taxed, that part of it which was used by the poorest section
was as far as possible exempted. The major part of the resources was spent on
education, health, local development, production of electricity and other items
which are important for the common people. As a result, the govt. had to move
through financial straits. Time and again the Left Front government strongly
raised the demand that a reasonable portion of resources raised from states by
the Centre should be reallocated to the states (at least 50%). No opportunist ‘Special
package’ for the state; what was demanded was a revised formula for
distribution of resources among all states of the country. This demand led to
the appointment of the Sarkaria Commission, but effective steps were scarce.
It was in the interests of the common
people that the Left Front government wrote off land rent, introduced free
education up to class 12 and took the financial responsibility for salaries and
pensions of teachers and other employees of schools and colleges, for other
developmental activities of these institutions, and financial responsibility for
employees of panchayats and municipalities. The benefits of state
government employees wee raised to the
level of Central government employees. All these were necessary steps. But
these entailed a great financial burden on the state government.
After adopting neo-liberal policies from
1991, the Central government gradually began giving up responsibilities for
important areas like health and educational services. As a result, whatever
little assistance the state received in these sectors from the Central projects
now began to disappear. But the Left Front government decided not to
compromise. Nor was it possible for us to accept the neo-liberal
conditionalities of the Central assistance which now started arriving, because
these were against the interests of the common people. The state found itself
in a financial impasse.
A hostile mindset was formed among the
people in the past and by the inability to live up to promises made in budgets
and elsewhere. Against such unrealistic promises, including election
manifestos, relentless struggle had to be waged inside the government against
the lazy inaction of some departments which took the stability of the
government as permanent, against the trivialization of the inventive ability of
the people. There was a stubborn unwillingness to learn from the public
distribution system in Kerala, the cooperative model presented in the past by
‘Amul’ in Gujarat, the mid-day meal in Tamil Nadu, food education, and welfare
programmes. This had to be fought but the effort did not always succeed.
The financial advance of the common
people does not add directly or rapidly to the wealth of the state government,
but the amount of wealth starts increasing with the increased buying power of
the people and the introduction of new industries. However, that falls far
short of the financial burden of the state government. Like the other state
governments, this state also was in a condition of permanent deficit. The
amount of loans was on the increase. But we were also repaying them, though the
Central government’s high rate of
interest created problems. Loans from the market never outran limits in our
state. We were being guided by the aim of a rapid change in the tax-picture of
the state once the big industries arrive.
In spite of all this, we had our weaknesses.
We could have been more inventive in the collection of revenue or resources. West
Bengal was at the bottom of the tax to state SDP Ratio among the large states. There
was an opportunity for improving the system of tax collection. Later when VAT
became effective the revenue from taxes increased. But surely there was room
for the farther advance.
We gave lots of benefits to the
government employees and teachers, but we could not instill in them a new style
of work culture. This had its impact on delivery of government schemes and also
overall efficiency. Being for long in government, the Party and the mass
organisations started relying more on the administration instead of taking up
independent political and mass work. Their discussions with the government were
confined mainly to demands. Instead of government programmes developing out of
mass organizations and mass struggles, there appeared the inaction of
organizations in realizing programmes devised by the government. The relations
among the government, the party, the Left Front and mass organizations were not
always happy. Continuous efforts must go on to renew these relations.
In spite of many successes of the Govt.
during this long period, there was rook for improvement in the composition and
function of the Left Front cabinet Reviews of its work were often formal and
mechanical.
Learning from
Experience: in Search of an Alternative
The objective which prompted the
inclusion of directives in the Party Programme
regarding the participation in Left-led state governments were sincerely
followed by the Left Front government for 34 years, in spite of some blemishes
and weaknesses. The political importance of the Left Front government was not
confined to issues of development. The Left Front government has made
unprecedented contributions to strengthen the multi-layered foundation of
democracy. In serious matters like developing the federal system, maintaining
national unity and in the struggle to protect secularism, the Left Front
government was the guide to an alternative. It will be unjust to deny this role
of the Left Front.
In the case of land reforms, the role of
the Left Front government has won national and international recognition. It is
because of that role that agricultural production has seen unprecedented
success. It was during the tenure of the Left Front that the base for
industries was created in the state. Compared with the pre-1977 period, the
human development indices have improved a good deal in the state, though more
precautionary measures in some cases could have yielded further success.
But this programme of land reforms and
rural development had reached a kind of status
quo. A workable alternative other than industrialization could not be
specified in all cases.
For about a decade, positive results had
been achieved in employment and industrial projects. But on the issue of land
acquisition, the two exceptions of Singur and Nandigram halted our industrial
progress. There was an adverse reaction among a section of the people of the
state. We have to learn from this also.
We have looked for alternatives in
agriculture, industry, education, health, all within a capitalist framework.
The rural development policies adopted by us also need an urgent review. The
industrial policy was correct. But we must learn from the problems faced in
connection with acquisition of land. All in all, the Left Front government in
West Bengal was surely a valuable experience, an important chapter in the
democratic movement of the state and the country.
We must remember that in the history of
parliamentary democracy in the whole world, this was the only government to run
continuously for 34 years within a bourgeois-landlord state apparatus. It
worked (1) with Marxists and Leftists associated with them, depending on a
class outlook totally opposed to that of the Central government; (2) against
the challenge of continuous centralization and attacks against the federal
system; (3) in the background of discrimination and deception against
north-eastern and eastern zones, especially W Bengal, (4) for 20 the 34 years In
an advance situation when the balance of the country and the whole world had
changed in favour of imperialist globalization, privatisation and neo-liberal
policies; (5) under compulsious of protection West Bengal as a frontline
outpost of democracy in the context of unequal development of leftist movements
in the whole country; (6) giving priority to the duty of uniting and
extending the longest living front government, (7) against conspiracies at home
and abroad. We have to remember that we were able to counter all these
challenges for 34 years. It is also possible to counter them in future. For
this, the need is to improve the quality of ideological and political
consciousness in future, as in the past. It is necessary to have a
revolutionary organisation which is able to apply all its strength to build up
the mobilisation and the struggle of all left and democratic forces. We need a
more developed Party which can identify the defects and rectify them. Without a
more developed Party, it is impossible to struggle for a mature broadbased left
and democratic alternative. A daily co-ordiation of the Party, the Front, mass
organizations and the government is necessary. It is necessary to arrive at
collective decisions, to distribute specific responsibilities regarding those
decisions and to have a collective check-up and review of performances. The
Left Front government started its journey through the establishment and spread
of democracy, land reforms and decentralization. The success of these measures
are reflected in increased agricultural production, decrease of poverty and
increase of buying power in the countrywide, progress in small industries etc.
Alongside, limited land reforms had inflicted wounds on feudal relations to
some extent, and in proportion with these, capitalist relations were growing.
In the period of liberalization, a section of poor and middle peasants were no
longer finding agriculture profitable and were losing lands, while the member
of workers among agricultural labourers and in the unorganized sector was
increasing. Apart from land, wealth
earned from non-agricultural sources was also being concentrated in the hands
of the rural nouveau riche, Differences increased, They were engaged in
extending social and political control within a decentralized framework. The
increased number of semi-urban market towns, unplanned urbanization, increased
intensity of employment problems in urban and rural areas and the multilateral
influence of liberalization gradually revealed the imprint of corruption and
criminalization in society and politics. Using of changes the balance of power,
the nouveau riche of rural, semi-urban and urban areas were preparing their
counter attack. Powers abroad were also active. Starting with the Purulia arms
drop, the so-called “Panskura line” of the Trinamul Congress and other
anti-Left-Front conspiracies, though temporarily reversed, were ultimately able
to build up a rainbow alliance. The 2009 Lok Sabha elections and the 2011
Assembly elections took place against this backdrop. The internal reasons have
been explained in detail in the election reviews of the State Committee and the
Central Committee in 3 parts: political, administrative and organizational.
These are to be regarded as a part of the review of 34 years of Left Front
government but must not be confused with the subject-matter of the review of
those 34 years.
The substance of
the review of the Left Front government is a comparative analysis of West Bengal
as it stood at the end of the 30 year period from 1947 to 1977 (excluding the
22 months of the tenures of two United Fronts) and West Bengal as it stands
from 2011 till now. From the success, the mountainous problems and the failures
of these 34 years, we must take lessons; and then look for a better, updated
Left alternative in the specific future circumstances in the state; and in due
time, present its completed shape contours of that alternative are (1) to
re-establish democracy in the state by destroying the present authoritarian
structure; (2) to revive the tradition of peace and fraternity among the people
of the state, irrespective of caste and religion, based upon unity of the
working people and destroying the wall of communal division, (3) to free the
politics in the state from the clutches of corruption and criminalization, to
restore the displaced to their homes, to withdraw false cases, to end the
stifling environment of anarchy and chaos everywhere, (4) to gain the power of resistance against the
attacks on lives and livelihood of the working people in the state; (5) to keep
the correct slogan of “agriculture is our base, industry is our future” in
front for the development of the state, to give priority to service,
infrastructure, education, health, social security, human development; to
lessen the unemployment problem as far as possible and stop undesirable
interventions in education. (6) The defects and weaknesses in realizing these
programmes, as already identified, and those that will be identified through
discussion, are to be rectified in order to earn the confidence of the people
and to build up a close relationship with them. We appeal to everyone, from the
common people of the state to the intellectuals who are their well-wishers, to
help us in this difficult task. As a Party in opposition we will strive for
that alternative, and if we receive popular support we will be promise-bound to
put that alternative into practice.
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