Showing posts with label CHEMICAL HUB. Show all posts
Showing posts with label CHEMICAL HUB. Show all posts

Tuesday, July 8, 2008

SINGUR & NANDIGRAM:SOME FACTS




Immediately after the last assembly election, Govt of West Bengal embarked upon a path of industrialization as before as the manifesto of the Left Front for the last election clearly spelt out the need for the same. Let us look at the following indicators to comprehend the gravity of the problem at Singur and Nandigram :



1.Though West Bengal occupies around 3% of the total landmass of the country and 2.5% of the total agricultural land, it has around 8% of total population of the country indicating a tremendous pressure on the existing land.

2.The infertile/ barren land in West Bengal is only 0.5% compared to nearly 17% of the national average.


3. However, due to rapid land reforms in the State undertaken by the Left Front Govt., 78.78% of total land in West Bengal are cultivated by the marginal (less than 2.5 acres) and small farmers (between 2.5 acres to 5 acres). In West Bengal the total land measuring more than 10 hectares is only 0.05%. Whereas, for the whole country, such big farmers continue to hold around 17.3% of total agricultural land and the poor marginal farmers hold only around 15.1% of total agricultural land.

4. 20% of total land redistributed in the country is in West Bengal, though it has only 2.5% of total agricultural land.


5.The total no. of poor people benefited from the programme of land reforms in West Bengal is 2.5 crore, more than 30% of the state’s population.

6. As a logical corollary, according to even latest NSSO report, West Bengal crowns the glory of highest reduction in poverty among the 17 major states in the country in the post- independence period, especially in the decade from 1983 to 1993-94. Overall poverty ratio got reduced from 53.60% in 1983 to 33.45% in 1993-94 i.e. a reduction of 20.15%. The rural West Bengal saw drastic reduction in the same period from 61.56% to 37.35% i.e. a reduction of 24.21%, which too was highest in India. Even in the decade of reforms, from 1993-94 to 2004-05, West Bengal’s reduction of rural poverty is among the highest. It reduced it by around 9% to reach at 28.49% in 2004-05. The overall poverty ratio in the State stood at 25.67% in 2004-05 from 53.60% in 1983. (Ref. “Poverty And Inequality: All-India and States, 1983-2005”, S. Mahendra Dev, C. Ravi, EPW, February 10, 2007)


7. Because of this impeccable track record in land reforms, West Bengal now tops the production of rice, vegetables, fish, and ranks second in production of potato in the country. It occupies the position among the first three states in production of mango, litchi, coconut, flower.

8.The successful land reforms have been able to generate an additional income of Rs. 13,000 crore per annum in West Bengal in the rural area which find its way into the market to purchase industrial goods. So, the most needed demand stimuli for industrialization in West Bengal come from within.


9.However, the West Bengal agriculture is not without problems. The sectoral GDP contributed by Agriculture is only 24%( 2004-05), the industry contributed 19% and services 57%. Whereas, the population engaged in agriculture in West Bengal is 63%, industry holds 17% and services 20% of the population. This indicates the existence of massive disguised unemployment in Agriculture like the rest of the country.


10.In this backdrop, the percentage of rural income generated by the non-farm sector in the state is 1/3rd of the total rural income.

11. Agriculturists in West Bengal used 14.10 lakh metric ton of fertilizers in the last year alone. The no. of operating pump sets used mainly for micro irrigation in the state is more than 6 lakh. These two indicators are sufficient to justify the need for development of such industry within the state.


12. So, drive for industrialization is a must in the above backdrop to extricate the massive surplus labour force from Agriculture.


13. In this backdrop, the need for employment generating manufacturing industry is rightly emphasized. This is also important from the perspective of development of working class movement too as the no. of factory workers in West Bengal dwindled from 9.5 lakh in 1980 to 4.28 lakh in 2002.


14.In this backdrop, the 7th Left Front Govt. immediately after coming to power, decided to sign the MOU with the Tatas to start the work on TATA SMALL CAR project at Singur, Hooghly.


15.For this in the five mouzas of Singur, a total land area measuring 997 acre was taken over by the State paying a compensation of even more than Rs. 12 lakh per acre of land that is so far the highest such compensation paid in the country. Even unregistered sharecroppers and tenant cultivators are brought within the ambit of such compensation that is unique in the whole country.


16.Though according to “National Automotive Testing, Research and Development of Infrastructure Project (NATRIP)” of the Department of Heavy Industry, Govt. of India, minimum area required for such project to produce 3 lakh car per year is 1400 acre, Govt. of West Bengal could convince the Tatas to settle for 997 acre for the Singur project. Tatas similar car factory operating in Pune, Maharashtra occupies much greater land for operation.


17.A detailed compensation package for the socio-economic upliftment in the project area is announced by the State Govt. that encompasses training, employment, organisation of SHGs etc. Already, a total no. of 322 inhabitants of the area is trained up, with training going on for another 452 inhabitants and finalisation of training schedule for another 605. The total makes an impressive list of 1379 persons trained or to be trained for employment so far considering the number of persons whose land was taken over being 2851 including a component of 576 landless labourers.


18. A total of 2.5 lakh man-days have already been created at Singur as a result of carrying out of constuction and other work at Singur.


19. Central Govt. selected Nandigram block in East Midnapore district for the proposed “Chemical Hub” considering its proximity to Haldia Port. Indian Oil Corporation, a Public Sector Navaratna Company, was selected as the principal promoter for the project.


20.A chemical hub means production of no. of petro-chemical byproducts in a single contiguous area. These are butadiene meant for rubber industry, polyester for development of textile industry and other chemicals meant for development of Pharmaceutical industry as the state of West Bengal had no base of this very important modern industry.


21. The State Govt. never announced officially to take over land forcibly at Nandigram.


22. But the rainbow coalition of all hues organized under the banner of “Bhumi Ucched Pratirodh Committee” led by the Trinamool Congress, the principal opposition party in West Bengal with only 30 MLAs in the State Assembly in a house of 294 and having only 1 MP out of 42 in the state, decided to carry out armed resistance since the beginning by spreading wide-spread canards about forcible land acquisition at Nandigram.


23. Violent agitation started at Nandigram from 03 January 2007 when the Kalicharanpur village was about to be declared as the “Nirmal Gram” by the Central Govt. in recognition of its impeccable track record for development of hygienic sanitation. The above rainbow coalition spread the canard that the govt. officials came to forcibly occupy govt. land that was a white lie. They torched no. of govt vehicles including beating the govt. officials.

24.In the ensuing violence that continued throughout January, February and March 2007 no. of left party cadres and leaders were killed including an elected Pradhan of a Village Panchayat and a Police Officer who went to perform his normal official duty.


25.Thereafter thousands of left workers and leaders were driven out of their respective homes from Nandigram. Even today thousands of them are living in makeshift tents at the neighbouring Khejuri Block and are subject to daily brutal attacks, harassment, collection of ransom by armed goons of the rainbow coalition. No. of women were raped and even murdered with needle of suspicion being pointed to Bhumi Ucched Pratirodh Samiti, as they prevented the Police to carry out normal investigation.

26.In order to clear the misgivings and canards, the State Govt. announced again on 11 March 2007 that no land would be taken over at Nandigram and the Govt. abandoned its plan to locate the proposed Chemical Hub at Nandigram.

27.The govt. authority, after due consultations with all political parties in the area wherein all agreed for govt. and police intervention for restoration of peace, wanted to enter the area for the sake of restoring law and order situation in the area that saw absolute lawlessness since January 2007.

28.But unfortunately the members of the local rainbow coalition decided to confront the Police Force with arms putting the women and children in the forefront. In the ensuing uncalled for Police Firing and internecine clashes on 14 March 2007 14 people met with most unfortunate deaths.


29. Since then despite repeated govt efforts to restore peace including the efforts initiated by the legendary statesman, Com. Jyoti Basu, the rainbow coalition led by the principal opposition party in the state is out to destabilize peaceful atmosphere in the state. They are openly advocating armed resistance that is dangerous for the future of democracy and working class movement in the state.


30.The hands down defeat of this rainbow coalition in the recently held Panchayat by-elections and elections to the Municipalities except Panskura once again points out to People’s growing disillusionment with this brand of violent politics of those who paradoxically swear in the name of Gandhiji, the proponent of non-violent struggle.

PREPARED BY RANA MITRA ON APRIL,2007

NANDIGRAM: WHAT WAS THE DEVELOPMENT PLAN AND APPROACH OF THE WEST BENGAL GOVERNMENT




A NOTE ON NEW KOLKATA INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT (NKID) PROJECT


by NIRUPAM SEN


After the tragic incidence of Nandigram on 14th of March, West Bengal State Government has decided not to set up Chemical Hub at Nandigram. Before that State Government was in the process of preparing materials to let people know what it intense to do in and around Haldia and adjoining district of South 24 Parganas. This note was prepared particularly for this purpose. It has explained briefly what kind of infrastructure has been contemplated in the state to make it happen. This note will help to know the salient features of the agreements signed by the West Bengal Industrial Development Corporation and New Kolkata International Development Private Limited on July, 2006. This note also elaborates the plan of the Central Government in regard to setting up of Chemical hub. It has also incorporated the recommendations of the standing committee on Commerce and Industries of the West Bengal Legislative Assembly in the month of November, 2006. This note will help to clear some of the misinformation as well as apprehensions about the projects and the approach of the state government in this regard including compensation and rehabilitation of those who may loose their land for this purpose.



Introduction

The growth of the chemicals and petrochemicals industry in Haldia, based on the availability of port facilities, encouraged the State Government to plan for the development of a large chemical hub in the Haldia area. It was however not possible for the State Government to invest in the infrastructure required for this purpose. The decision of the Government of India from 2005 onwards to create Mega Chemical Industrial Estates and then Petroleum, Chemicals and Petrochemicals Investment Regions in the country, and selection of Haldia as a location for this purpose offered the opportunity for the State Government to fulfill its long standing plan for a chemical hub in Haldia.



In July 2006 the Government of West Bengal decided to set up a Petroleum, Petrochemicals and Chemicals Investment Region around the existing industrial cluster I Haldia. For this purpose, the State Government entered into an agreement with NKID, a private sector consortium. This agreement is in the form of a public-private partnership, with a number of separate components, details of which are shown in the Annexure. The implementation of the NKID project, which is a composite project, requires constant monitoring, and for this purpose the State Government has recently constituted a Steering Committee chaired by the Minister-in-Charge, Commerce and Industries. This is the first Status Report on this project, and this report will cover the policy issues and factors on the basis of which the decision of the State Government was taken, and will also deal with steps through which the State Government proposes to implement the project.

A brief outline of growth in Haldia

The development of Haldia as a port and an industrial zone began with the commissioning of an oil jetty in 1968, which was followed by the commissioning of the refinery of Indian Oil Corporation (IOC) in 1971. The port facilities in Haldia were significantly enhanced with the commissioning of the Haldia Dock Complex (HDC) in 1977. This acted as the trigger for industrial growth in the contiguous areas. The State Government adopted a policy objective to develop the area for petrochemicals and chemical industries. After continuous effort, overcoming many obstacles not related to techno-economic factors, the history of which is well known, the Government succeeded finally to establish Haldia Petrochemicals Limited, as a joint venture project, in the late 1990s. The next big investment in Haldia arrived when Mitsubishi Chemical Corporation (MCC) selected Haldia out of all possible locations in India as the site to set up their manufacturing facility. The confidence of MCC in Haldia and the Govt. of West Bengal was reinforced when in 2005 they decided to double their investment in this plant. On the way, other plants have also come up such as Hindustan Lever (now taken over by Tata Chemicals), Exide, South Asia Petrochem, Indianoil Petronas, Electro Steel, Ural India, Ruchi Soya and so on. The industrial growth in Haldia from the 1990s onwards matched the growth seen in the 1950s and 1960s in the Durgapur-Asansol belt.



The industrial growth in Haldia was accompanied by urbanization and population growth. This urban growth was reflected in the changes in the administrative set up. A police station was set up in Haldia in 1971, carved out of the area under Sutahata Police station. Haldia was declared a Notified Area Authority under the Bengal Municipal Act in 1983, which was converted into a Municipality in 1997. In 1989, Tamluk Sub-Division was divided and Haldia Sub-Division was created. Lastly, in 2000 Haldia Block was created out of the erstwhile Sutahata I Block.

Requirement of Infrastructure for a Chemical Hub

West Bengal has only about 220 kilometres of seacoast, a considerable extent of which falls in the Sundarbans and the Gangetic delta. As a result, West Bengal’s ports are riverine, on the Hooghly River. Even though it is on the river, HDC has a large volume of business, and together with the Netaji Subhas Docks in Kolkata; it is at present the second largest port in India in terms of volume of cargo handled. Its advantage is that it serves and is capable of serving a very large hinterland, comprising not only West Bengal, but also North-Eastern India, large parts of North India, Nepal and Bhutan. Its disadvantage vis-a-vis other major ports in India is that it is on the river and the available draft does not exceed 9.50 metres at any time of the year, and this draft has to be protected by a large volume of annual maintenance dredging.



A port is a major contributor to industrial growth, and historically it has been seen in different countries that industrial clusters and urban centres have come up around a port. The port provides the necessary infrastructure for the movement of goods, internationally from one country to another, and domestically from coast to coast within a country.



Development of the petroleum and petrochemicals sector internationally has been linked to a port facility. Crude oil for the refinery sector and various raw materials for the chemicals industry have to be imported, since these are not locally available in sufficient quantities. If the refineries do not produce sufficient quantity of naphtha to feed the petrochemicals sector, then naphtha also has to be imported. For example, a substantial percentage of the requirement of naphtha of Haldia Petrochemicals and the entire requirement of paraxylene by Mitsubishi Chemicals is met through imports. Similarly, a major part of the production of the chemical and petrochemical units will have to be exported. The existence of the port in Haldia is the reason for the establishment of refinery and petrochemicals industry there.



Keeping in view this important contribution a port makes to the process of industrialization, and the constraint caused by the comparatively low draft in Haldia, the State Government considered it essential to have a deepwater port in West Bengal. This deepwater port could be located on the coast of West Bengal, or if suitable deep draft cannot be found on the coast, it could be located in the sea and connected to the mainland by a bridge. Such a port has been constructed in Shanghai and it has been commissioned. The State Government has proposed to the Government of India that the Government of India should take up such a port project. Government of India has accepted the proposal, and had directed the Ministry of Shipping to get a study done. The Ministry is in the process of selecting a consultant firm which will carry out this study to identify a suitable location, prepare a design and also prepare cost estimate.


Along with ports, another very significant part of infrastructure required for development is the road transport network. West Bengal has a number of national highways passing through the State. Out of this, the entire stretch of NH 2 falling within West Bengal, NH 6 from Kolkata to Kharagpur, and NH 60 from Kharagpur to the Orissa border, have been 4-laned under the National Highway Development Programme (NHDP). The impact of the 4-laning of NH 2 and NH 6 is clearly visible. Work on 4-laning of NH 41 from Kolaghat to Haldia is going on. Other projects which are likely to be taken up soon include NH 31 passing through North Bengal under the Silchar-Porbandar East-West Corridor project, NH 117 from Kona to Netaji Subhas Docks, NH 35 from Barasat to Petrapole and NH 31 from Kolkata to Dalkhola.



Of these, upgradation of NH 34 to 4-lane status is a major infrastructure requirement. This highway is the backbone of West Bengal connecting Kolkata and South Bengal to North Bengal. However, in order to complete the link all the way to the southernmost parts of the State, it is necessary to have a highway system through South 24 Parganas, connecting NH 31 from Barasat to Namkhana. With Diamond Harbour Road being converted to NH 117, one part of this link will be established when NH 117 is upgraded from Joka or Bishnupur upto Namkhana. In order to complete the link, what is needed is a highway from Barasat, passing through South 24 Parganas upto a point on NH 117. since there is no existing highway on this alignment, this has to be taken up as a Greenfield project. It would be difficult to get a greenfield project included in the NHDP, whose main focus is on upgradation of existing national highways. The State Government approached Government of India a number of times with the request to take up the project of construction of this new Highway as Greenfield project but such endeavour didi not succeed. The State Government therefore took up a plan for construction of an Eastern Link Highway, with private sector investment, starting from a suitable point on NH 31, upto Usthi on NH 117, and then from Usthi to Raichak. From Usthi upgraded NH 117 would provide the link to Namkhana, while from Raichak the new road would be connected to Haldia by a bridge over the Hooghly River to Kukrahati.



The third major area of infrastructure is the railway network. West Bengal has a reasonable wide railway network, comprising Eastern Railway, South Eastern Railway, and North-East Frontier Railway. In particular, Haldia is linked to the main Howrah-Kharagpur trunk line, by a railway line from Panskura to Haldia. At present most of this stretch is still single-line, and about 14 km of length from Panskura to Rajagoda is double-line. The State Government is actively pursuing with the Ministry of Railways for the completion of double-line upto Haldia, since this is a pressing requirement of the industries in Haldia.



However, the most important railway project for the future development of the Haldia-Nandigram region is the completion of the dedicated rail freight corridor from Delhi to Howrah, and then its extension to Haldia. The freight corridor project has been taken up by the Government of India and is under implementation. The State Government is also examining the possibility of a link to Nandigram from the Tamluk-Digha line.



To sum up, the three most important infrastructure requirements for a major industrial cluster, especially a chemical hub, are port facilities; roads and highways; and railway connectivity. The State Government, while planning to develop the Haldia-Nandigram region as one of India’s biggest industrial hubs, has also taken into account the infrastructure requirements to make this plan a reality. Extension of port facilities in the Haldia-Nandigram region in the short-term and construction of a deepwater port in the long-term is being taken up with the help of the Government of India. Development of the railway connectivity and dedicated freight corridor linking Haldia-Nandigram region to the rest of the country is also being implemented with the help of the Government of India. The new highway, which is the third component of tthis troika, and is a greenfield project along a new alignment, is being implemented through a public-private partnership model, because it would be difficult and time consuming to get a greenfield alignment included in the National Highway Development Programme.

Recent Industrial Development Policies adopted by Government of India

SEZs: Government of India adopted a policy to set up Special Economic Zones in the country in the early 1990s. Initially, the SEZ policy was included in the Export-Import Policy announced by the Government of India every five years. To give a boost to this SEZ policy, Government of India also declared all existing Free Trade Zones set up by them earlier as SEZs. Thus Falta FTZ in West Bengal was declared as a SEZ.



Thereafter, Government of India decided to enact a separate SEZ legislation, in order to give a statutory guarantee to the various benefits and concessions offered to SEZ developers and industrial units set up inside SEZs. The central SEZ act was enacted in 2005, and Rules under the Act were also published in 2005. There are a number of fiscal concessions offered in the Act to developers and units, including excise duty exemption, customs duty exemption and income tax exemption.



MCIEs: In 2004 Government of India took a decision to set up Mega Chemical Industrial Estates (MCIEs) in the country, in order to galvanise growth of the chemical industry sector. To identify suitable locations for the MCIEs, the Department of Chemicals and Petrochemicals (DoCP) under the Ministry of Chemicals and Fertilisers appointed a consultant. This consultan firm, M/S Mott Mcdonald, studied various locations in Gujrat, Maharashtra, Karanataka, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Orissa and West Bengal. All the states were asked to make presentations to the consultants. After the study, the consultant firm short-listed Haldia as a suitable location. This was communicated to Chief Minister, West Bnegal by Union Minister for Chemicals and Fertilisers in a letter dated 17th April 2006.



PCPIRs: In a parallel development, in 2005, a group of NRIs in the USA, holding senior professional and business positions, also showed interest in facilitating American foreign direct investment into India, and they selected the chemicals and petrochemicals sector as sector which could attract such investment. Following discussions with them, Government of India accepted their suggestion that the best way to attract foreign investment is to create high quality infrastructure. It was decided that it was not enough to just focus on the chemicals industry, but the focus should be enlarges to include the petroleum sector (e.g. refineries) and the petrochemicals sector.



It was also felt that it is not enough to create modern infrastructure only within mega industrial estates, and instead a whole region, comprising the industrial estates and the surrounding non-industrial area, should be treated as an Investment Region. Infrastructure development should be taken up for the whole Investment Region. Infrastructure development should be taken up for the whole Investment Region, which would include not only the areas earmarked for manufacturing (i.e. the industrial estates) but also the surrounding residential and agricultural areas. Infrastructure should include not only industrial estates, but also roads, highways, railways, ports, telecommunications, as well as social, educational and health infrastructure. It was also accepted that a significant portion of this investment in infrastructure would have to come from Government of India.



Task Force for PCPIR: Accordingly, Government of India enlarged the concept of a Mega Chemical Industrial Estate and adopted a policy to create Petroleum, Chemicals and Petrochemicals Investment Regions (PCPIRs) in selected locations in India. Since the investments required for infrastructure creation would have to come from a number of Ministries, it was decided to set up a Task Force in the Prime Minister’s Office to examine and finalise the terms and content of a PCPIR policy.



This Task Force was chaired by Principal Secretary to Prime Minister, and its members were Secretaries of the concerned Ministers; the Chairman Railway Board; the Chairman of IOC, ONGC, GAIL and HPCL; and Chief Secretaries of a number of States including West Bengal. The representatives of the NRI group were also members. The Task Force met a number of times in 2006 in order to discuss and formulate a draft PCPIR Policy.



In June 2006, the NRI group arranged for presentations to be made by Government of India to American chemical and petrochemical companies in the USA. The NRI Group invited the Government of West Bengal to join the delegation and make a presentation. Chief Secretary, Government of West Bengal made a presentation to the American companies highlighting the investment opportunities in West Bengal and the advantages that the State offers as a location for chemicals and petrochemicals industries.



The Task Force finalized its recommendations about the PCPIR Policy of the Government of India and submitted it to the concerned Ministry. The Policy has been processed by the Department of Chemicals and Petrochemicals, which is the Nodal Ministry for PCPIRs, and it is now awaiting approval of the Cabinet.

Major Features of the PCPIR Policy

The Policy Objectives, as laid down in the draft policy prepared by the Task Force, states:

“The Petroleum, Chemicals and Petrochemical industry in India is well established and has recorded a steady growth over the years. The industry offers a wide scope for development and contributes positively to economic growth and regional development. The future outlook for the industry is bright with positive developments anticipated in various chemical sub sectors.
To promote investment in this sector and make the country an important hub for both domestic and international markets, the Government has decided to attract major investment, both domestic and foreign, by providing a transparent and investment friendly policy and facility regime under which integrated Petroleum, Chemicals and Petroleum Investment Regions (PCPIRs) may be set up. The PCPIRs would reap the benefits of co-siting, networking and greater efficiency through the use of common infrastructure, and provide a competitive environment conducive for setting up businesses. They would thus result in a boost to manufacturing, augmentation of exports and generation of employment.”

Some of the major features of the draft PCPIR Policy formulated by the Task Force in Prime Minister’s Office are as follows:
The area of the overall Investment Region should be about 250 sq. kilometers, i.e. about 62,500 acres. Out of this, only 40%, i.e. about 25,000 acres should be meant for industries. The rest of the area will consist of existing towns, villages, settlements, agricultural land etc. which will not come under industries.



Govt. of India will contribute to the infrastructure through construction of roads and highways, railway links, port facilities, and telecommunications. State Government will contribute by facilitating power and water linkages. The development of infrastructure inside the industrial areas, i.e. land development, internal roads, effluent treatment, drainage and sewerage etc. will be done by private sector investment. The entire Investment Region, including existing habitations, will benefit from the improved infrastructure. The infrastructure to be provided will also address health, safety and environment concerns.



There should be a Master Plan for the entire Investment Region, which should be prepared by the State Government, and submitted for approval of Government of India.



Any State can decide to set up a PCPIR. A State which wants to develop a PCPIR has to apply in prescribed format to the Department of Chemicals and Petrochemicals, Government of India. After examination and processing of the application by DoCP, it will be placed before a High Powered Committee, chaired by Principal Secretary to Prime Minister. The other members of the High Powered Committee are the Secretaries of the following Ministries/Departments of the Government of India: Petroleum and Economic Affairs; Railways; Shipping; Road Transport and Highways; Civil Aviation; Environment and Forests; and Chemicals and Petrochemicals. Member Secretary of the Planning Commission is also a member. The Secretary, Department of Chemicals and Petrochemicals will be the convenor of the Committee. The Committee will examine the application, ascertain the requirement of infrastructure, obtain the commitments of the concerned Ministries of the Government of India to create the required infrastructure, and thereafter submit the application to the Cabinet for approval, clearly stating the commitments of Government of India to the provision of infrastructure.



After obtaining Cabinet approval, the Govt. of India will notify the PCPIR under its PCPIR Policy.
On receipt of notification from the Govt. of India, the concerned State Government will also notify the Petroleum, Chemicals and Petrochemicals Investment Region (PCPIR) under suitable law.



In summary, a PCPIR envisages setting up of mega industrial estates within a larger area, and provision of top quality infrastructure inside the industrial estates and also in the non-industrial areas outside the industrial estates. A private sector developer may be selected to develop the infrastructure inside the industrial estates, and this infrastructure would include internal land development, internal roads, internal power supply, internal water supply, drainage and sewerage, effluent treatment, marine outfall, commercial and residential facilities. The land inside the estates could be leased to the private sector developer, who in turn would sub-lease to the individual industrial units under an approval system. The existing habitations would remain outside the industrial units estates, and would not be leased to the private sector developer. Infrastructure outside the industrial estates would be developed by the Government of India and the State Government. The Government of India would provide port facilities, rail connectivity, road and national highway connectivity, and telecommunications facilities to the industrial estates and the surrounding non-industrial areas. The State Government would facilitate power supply and water supply arrangements.



The underlying principle of the PCPIR Policy adopted by the Task Force is that incentives should primarily be based on infrastructure support and not fiscal concessions. Thus the Policy, while it proposes some tax benefits to the developer, does not envisage any specific fiscal benefits for the industrial units which are set up in the PCPIR. It is expected that the industrial units would come up inside Special Economic Zones, located within the overall area identified as the Investment Region, and thereby become eligible for the fiscal benefits available under the central SEZ Act, 2005.


Response of the Government of West Bengal

The Government of West Bengal has taken due note of the SEZ Act and the proposed PCPIR Policy of the Government of India, and the various fiscal benefits conferred or proposed to be conferred on the developers of SEZs and PCPIRs. It has also taken note of the fact that Haldia has been short-listed as a location. It is felt that selection of the Haldia region as a PCPIR and setting up industrial estates in the form of SEZs within the PCPIR will attract significant manufacturing investments and bring about growth and development in that area. Moreover, if this region is selected as a PCPIR, there will be major investment by Government of India for road and rail connectivity, port facilities, and telecommunications. The State Government also noted because of its port and manufacturing units such as Haldia Refinery, Haldia Petrochemicals, Mitsubishi Chemicals, South Asia Petrochem etc.



On the other hand, if the State Government did not support these initiatives and decided that there should not be a PCPIR, supported by SEZs inside the PCPIR, then West Bengal would thereby be deprived of the advantage of the tax concessions given by Government of India for these projects, and industries and investment would go to other States who are allowing the setting up of SEZs and PCPIRs.



The State Government also took note of the possibilities of the downstream growth of small and medium enterprises in the petrochemical sector. There are already 950 downstream units of Haldia Petrochemicals, with investment of about Rs.1230 crores, employing directly and indirectly about 165000 persons.



In the context of the above policy issues, the State Government decided to develop a PCPIR around Haldia, with two SEZs, one fully dedicated to the chemicals industry, and the other to be multi-product, i.e. chemicals as well as other industries. Given the requirement of port facilities, it is not possible to consider establishment of the PCPIR in the interior parts of the State. It was proposed to identify an area of about 250 square kilometers around the port city of Haldia as the Investment Region, and to set up two SEZs within this Investment Region. It was also decided that the area of the two SEZs should be such that the total area earmarked for industrial activity would fulfill the requirements of the PCPIR Policy of the Government of India, which stipulated that about 40% of the Investment Region, (i.e. about 25,000 acres) should be identified for manufacturing and processing activities.

Selection of the General Location of the PCPIR

As already mentioned, Haldia as a location has been short listed in the study carried out by the Government of India. For the large area to be selected as the PCPIR area it was seen that the areas around Haldia tow already had many industries and there were also natural constraints, caused by situation, in developing additional port facilities in Haldia. It was thus felt that it would be appropriate to locate one of the SEZs in a selected area of Nandigram I Block, subject to identification of suitable land for this purpose. The choice of Nandigram I Block area was felt to be suitable because it also has the waterfront along the Hooghly River, and thus would provide scope for extension of the port facilities on the riverside. Port facilities would be an essential requirement for the new manufacturing investments that can be expected to be set up in a PCPIR. It was also felt that this was an opportunity to extend the development which has taken place in Haldia to the Nandigram area, by building infrastructure (inclusive of bridge over the Haldi river, thereby providing direct road connectivity of Nandigram to Haldia and to Kolkata via the proposed Raichak-Kukrahati bridge) and generating employment and incomes. Despite close proximity to Haldia, the effect of the growth of industries and services in Haldia has not reached areas under Nandigram P.S. to the desirable extent. Extension of industrial growth to Nandigram I Block would also create the scope to thereafter extend the benefits of industrial development further down the riverside to Khejuri Block in Contai Sub-Division and to Nandigram II Block.



Based on the above factors, the State Government decided to locate the approximately 25,000 acres required to be earmarked as manufacturing zones in order to fulfill the yardsticks laid down in the PCPIR Policy in two large SEZs, one of 12,500 acres in the Haldia side of Haldi River, and another of 10,000 acres in the Nandigram side of Haldi River. This decision covered only the general location of the mega industrial estates, and the exact quantum of land available would have to be ascertained after local field level study and local consultations, the process of which is described below in a subsequent paragraph.



The subject of setting up a chemical hub (PCPIR) in Nandigram P.S. area was also examined by the Standing Committee on Commerce and Industries Reconstruction and public Enterprise of the 14th West Bengal Legislative Assembly, chaired by Shri Sudip Bandopadhyay, MLA. The report of the findings of the Committee was presented to the Assembly on 28th November 2006. On the proposed location in Nandigram, the Report states (page 7) as follows:
“The Committee visited the site earmarked for commissioning CHEMICAL HUB over an area of 10,500 acres of land under Nandigram P.S. along the bank of the River Haldi. Adjacent to it another 12,000 acres of land was also earmarked for setting up of other industrial units under SER (sic) projects.



The lands covering along the side of the River for the proposed projects with locational advantages, Port facilities to be built up and all requisite infrastructure to be developed and having enormous possibilities and bright prospects appear to the Committee viable and feasible for commissioning projects. The Committee thinks it would add impetus to change radically the existing industrial scenario and with selection of the site, there would every possibility of Haldia of becoming a successful convenient ideal investment destination in future and Haldia would be a brand name in India.”

Agreement for an Anchor Developer


In order to develop the industrial infrastructure inside the SEZs, the State Government has entered into an agreement with New Kolkata International Development Private Limited (NKID) in July 2006. the NKID is a Consortium of the following companies:- (i) Bright Equity Group Limited, a company of the Salim Group of Indonesia; (ii) Universal Success Enterprise Limited ; and (iii) Unitech Limited of India. NKID has to fulfill the role of anchor developer for the two SEZs, which will comprise the manufacturing area within the overall PCPIR area. There are many other components of the NKID agreement, other than the establishment of two SEZs, and the major features of the agreement are shown in Annexure I.

Agreement for an Anchor Investor

The State Government has also signed an agreement with Indian Oil Corporation Limited to be an anchor investor in the PCPIR. IOC has signed an agreement for setting up a 15 million tonne refinery, a paraxylene unit and other units in the downstream sectors.

Implementation – Identification of the Specific Location of the SEZs

Selection of the general location of the SEZs is however only the preliminary step in the process of land identification. The selection of the general location has to be followed by a detailed and thorough process of identification of the specific lands within the general area, and this process of identification is the first step of project implementation. This process involves a field level study to ascertain the quality of the land in the selected Blocks, and identification of the individual plots of lands which can be utilized for the project, excluding existing villages and settlements, religious places, schools, health centres and other public places. The field level investigation has to be accompanied by a process of consultation and engagement with the local people and their elected representatives, starting from the village level. There also has to be a process of building a broad consensus by holding meetings with political parties at the Block level, district level and also at the State level. The interaction with the local population is most important, since they are the biggest stakeholders of the development project, and their support for the project is an essential requirement. In particular, discussion with the cultivators of any agricultural land is essential, so that the project details, the compensation package and the schemes for rehabilitation and alternative livelihood, and the benefits of industrial growth around their area can be properly explained to them. After the completion of this process, i.e. after the land which can be actually available for setting up SEZs is identified, the process of purchase or acquisition can be taken up as the second step for project implementation.

The issue of actual selection of land was also examined by the Standing Committee on Commerce and Industries and Industrial Reconstruction and Public Enterprise of the 14th West Bengal Legislative Assembly. In its Report it is stated as follows:
“Another very pertinent question/aspect came to the Committee regarding acquisition of so huge lands (22,500 acres). The Committee desires that it would require more transparent explanation in regard to the character and classification of the allotment of the land from the district administration. The Committee, in this connection thinks that the farmers are to be provided all sorts of economic protection along with maximum possible financial support and fertile agricultural lands are to be kept protected,”



The interaction with the local population will reveal the quantum of land that can be actually utilized for the project, and it may so happen that this quantum of land is less than the quantum of land originally proposed. Also the land may be available in separate chunks. The project will then be revised to take into account actual land availability.



At present, the State Government is taking preparations to start the process of local level discussions and meetings. Until the State Government is satisfied that the land which can be utilized for the project has been properly identified with participation of the local population, and the compensation package is found to be satisfactory, the process of land acquisition will not be started. 100% of the compensation amount will be paid upfront immediately after the declaration of the award to the landowners and Bargadars.

The Socio-Economic impact of the NKID Project

Eastern Link Highway and other Roads
The construction of the 100 km Eastern Link Highway, which will link up Barasat By Pass to Utsi and then through NH – 117 to Raichak on the River Hooghly will be a major infrastructure project for development of the entire area between Barasat and Raichak. The four-lane Expressway will be passing through Rajarhat New Town and then trough Bhangar and Magrahat towards Usti. The road will open up large areas of South 24 Parganas, and create income and employment opportunities by improving accessibility and communication.
Despite its proximity to Kolkata, South 24 Parganas district is one of the most underdeveloped districts of West Bengal and it has also been included in the Rastriya Sama Vikash Yojana Program of Government of India.

The Eastern Link Highway would provide
*A bye-pass of Kolkata metropolitan area;
*Ring connectivity connecting NH 34 and NH 41;
*Fast access from the Airport to Haldia;
*Provide communication and accessibility to the interior parts of South 24 Parganas District;
*Would lead to creation of new economic activity in the district which is not agriculturally also very advanced due to non-availability of irrigation facility eitherfrom surface or under-ground sources.
*Would provide a road link to the proposed container port in Kulpi.

The Project also includes construction three other roads, which are extension of EM Bypass from Kamal Gazi to Purandarpur in Baruipur; construction of a road link from the EM Bypass to Jagadishpur which is the chosen location for the district headquarters of South 24 Parganas, and construction of a road link from Diamond Harbour Roadat Pailan to Jagadishpur. These road links will provide better access to the new district headquarters from different parts of the district.All the roads will be owned by the State Government. The private sector developer’s role is only to construct the roads in accordance with approved design and under supervision of the State Government. The developer’s also has the obligation to maintain the Eastern Link Highway for 15 years at their own cost.



Bridges


The NKID project comprises of two major bridge projects. One bridge will be never the Hooghly River connecting Raichak in South 24 Parganas on Kukrahati in Purba Medinipur. This is a major infrastructure, and will provide fast connectivity to Haldia from Kolkata and the airport, and to NH 34 via the Eastern Link Highway. The other bridge will connect Haldia to Nandigram. Even today the Nandigram area remains unconnected to Haldia by a road, because there is no bridge over the Haldi river. For the people of Nandigram the only road connectivity to Haldia and also to Kolkata is via the bridge at Narghat. The new bridge will create much better connectivity and will be of substantial benefit to the people residing in Nandigram I and Nandigram II Blocks.The two bridges will be owned by the State Government. The developer’s role is only to construct the bridges in accordance with the approved design and under the supervision of the State Government. The developer also has the responsibility to maintain the bridges at their own cost for 15 years.


SEZs


The two SEZs are expected to bring in significant investments in manufacturing, in the sectors of chemicals, petrochemicals, refineries on the one hand, and other engineering, textiles, automobiles etc. This would mean that the Haldia-Nandigram region would rank as one of India’s largest industrial hubs, and would create jobs and incomes for the people of the area. The chemical SEZ will be implemented as joint venture with WBIDC. In both SEZs, a minimum of 50% of the gross area will be used for industries, and another 25% will used for infrastructure related to manufacturing.

Rehabilition


The various rehabilitation measures to be taken up and financed by NKID include payment of 25% of land cost as compensation to Bargadars, setting up of a construction of about 8000 shop stalls in South 24 Parganas and 12000 shop stalls in Purba Medinipur along the expressway in different growth centers. Priority for allotment of these stalls would be given to landlosers and Bargadars who would be losing their only source of livelihood due to acquisition of land. The Rehabilitation measures also include construction of four vocational training centres at Bhangar, Baruipur, Nandigram and Kakrahati with a total capacity of 5000 trainees every year. The NKID will run and maintain the vocational training centre for 5 years and offer training free of cost to land loser families. The basic objective of these training centers would provide skill development in various traders to increase their employability in the various SME industrial clusters and also would provide necessary training in construction activity related traders. This would ensure gainful employment of the landlosers in the various construction activities that would continue over next 10 to 15 years on a sustainable basis.While all necessary measures would be taken to avoid acquisition of any homestead, household but in case acquisition of some homesteads cannot be avoided under exceptional circumstances, the developer shall have to construct at its own cost residential buildings for proper rehabilitation of such displaced persons. In the Health City, it has been ensured that the benefit of the health care facility can be availed of by the socio-economically weaker section of the society free of cost.The project also has a component for creating irrigation facilities, which will help to increase cropping intensity of single-crop lands, and also bring new areas under cultivation.Within the project, 4 SME industrial estates will be developed by NKID, each of 100 acres, where land will be allotted to small scale entrepreneurs at reasonable cost which shall not exceed 10% of the cost of construction. These SME industrial estates will help to create employment locally.The Development Agreement with NKID Project has been conceived as a Public Private Partnership (PPP) whereby the State Government is ensuring the creation of infrastructure in terms of large dedicated industrial estates, SME industrial estates, highways and bridges, purchase of land for district headquarters and for setting up quality institutions, modern townships, irrigation facilities, training institutes and shop stalls for land losers, educational institutes and hospitals, for which State Government will not have to bear any cost. NKID will implement all of the above at their own cost.The future impact of these infrastructure, particularly the communication facilities, will also bring about development of vast hinterland and provide a boost to economic activity leading to job creation, income growth, urbanization and socio-economic development of this hinterland which will become easily accessible to Kolkata Metropolitan region through Eastern Link Expressway and connecting roads including EM Bypass extension and the bridges. At the same time, selection of the Haldia-Nandigram region as a PCPIR will bring in significant investment by the Government of India also in highways, railways, port facilities, telecommunications etc.

HAPPENINGS IN NANDIGRAM




by Rana Mitra

written on November 20, 2007

All the informed people of the country – whether right thinking or reactionary – have been getting tormented with the news of violence at Nandigram, East Medinipur District, West Bengal at times causing loss of precious lives. Now, let us have a quick glance on the socio-economic situation in West Bengal and issues and happenings in Nandigram till early November 2007 in order to have a better grasp on the problem: Immediately after the last assembly election, in which Left Front won 235 seats out of 294 (getting more than 50% of votes cast), Govt of West Bengal embarked upon a renewed path of industrialization as the manifesto of the Left Front for the last election clearly spelt out the need for the same, following the footsteps of Industrial Policy Resolution, 1994. Let us look at the following indicators to comprehend the gravity of the problem at Singur and Nandigram:Though West Bengal occupies around 3% of the total landmass of the country and 2.5% of the total agricultural land, it has around 8% of total population of the country indicating a tremendous pressure on the existing land.However, due to rapid land reforms in the State undertaken by the Left Front Govt., 78.78% of total land in West Bengal are cultivated by the marginal (less than 2.5 acres) and small farmers (between 2.5 acres to 5 acres). In West Bengal the total land measuring more than 10 hectares is only 0.05%. Whereas, for the whole country, such big farmers continue to hold around 17.3% of total agricultural land and the poor marginal farmers hold only around 15.1% of total agricultural land.This coupled with wide spread decentralization of democracy through elected three-tier Panchayat system in villages and Municipalities in the urban areas created a congenial atmosphere to launch massive assault on poverty.As a logical corollary, according to even latest NSSO report, West Bengal crowns the glory of highest reduction in poverty among the 17 major states in the country in the post- independence period, especially in the decade from 1983 to 1993-94. Overall poverty ratio got reduced from 53.60% in 1983 to 33.45% in 1993-94 i.e. a reduction of 20.15%. The rural West Bengal saw drastic reduction in the same period from 61.56% to 37.35% i.e. a reduction of 24.21%, which too was highest in India. Even in the decade of reforms, from 1993-94 to 2004-05, West Bengal’s reduction of rural poverty is among the highest. It reduced it by around 9% to reach at 28.49% in 2004-05. The overall poverty ratio in the State stood at 25.67% in 2004-05 from 53.60% in 1983. (Ref. “Poverty And Inequality: All-India and States, 1983-2005”, S. Mahendra Dev, C. Ravi, EPW, February 10, 2007)However, the West Bengal agriculture is not without problems. The sectoral GDP contributed by Agriculture is only 24%( 2004-05), the industry contributed 19% and services 57%. Whereas, the population engaged in agriculture in West Bengal is 63%, industry holds 17% and services 20% of the population. This indicates the existence of massive disguised unemployment in Agriculture like the rest of the country.So, drive for industrialization is a must in the above backdrop to extricate the massive surplus labour force from Agriculture.In this backdrop, the need for employment generating manufacturing industry is rightly emphasized. This is also important from the perspective of development of working class movement too as the no. of factory workers in West Bengal dwindled from 9.5 lakh in 1980 to 4.28 lakh in 2002.Central Govt. selected Nandigram block for the proposed “Chemical Hub” considering its proximity to Haldia Port. Indian Oil Corporation, a Public Sector Navaratna Company, was selected as the principal promoter for the project.A chemical hub means production of no. of petro-chemical byproducts in a single contiguous area. These are butadiene meant for rubber industry, polyester for development of textile industry and other chemicals meant for development of Pharmaceutical industry, as the state of West Bengal has no base of this very important modern industry. The State Govt. never announced officially to take over land forcibly at Nandigram.Contrary to misinformation campaign, Nandigram is basically not so fertile block – mostly monocrop area having low level of water table.But the rainbow coalition of all hues organized under the banner of “Bhumi Ucched Pratirodh Committee” led by the Trinamool Congress, the principal opposition party in West Bengal with only 30 MLAs in the State Assembly in a house of 294 and having only 1 MP out of 42 in the state, decided to carry out armed resistance since the beginning by spreading wide-spread canards about forcible land acquisition at Nandigram. Later on they also started to take the help of Maoists to forcibly extend their sphere of influence.Violent agitation, led by BUPC, started at Nandigram from 03 January 2007 by spreading canards. In the ensuing violence that continued from January to November 2007, no less than 27 CPIM supporters and one CID official were brutally murdered including some women after they were raped too. The CPIM have also published the detailed list of those murdered. Atleast 3500 poor people from Nandigram were driven out of their respective homes and were forced to live in makeshift tents in the nearby Khejuri Block for 11 months in appalling conditions and were subjected to daily brutal attacks, harassment, collection of ransom by armed goons of the rainbow coalition. In order to clear the misgivings and canards, Com. Buddhadeb Bhattacharya, the Hon’ble Chief Minister of West Bengal, announced on 11 March 2007 in a mammoth rally organized by CITU at Kolkata that no land would be taken over at Nandigram if the people did not want to permit the establishment of Chemical Hub there. Subsequently, the Govt. officially notified this too abandoning its plan to locate the proposed Chemical Hub at Nandigram.The BUPC activists dug up roads, destroyed bridges etc. snapping almost all physical communication links to Nandigram. They also made Panchayats and local bodies dysfunctional. 15,000 poor children of the area could not be administered even Pulse Polio doses. NREG work for providing employment for 100 days could not be started. All developmental work in the area came to a grinding halt. Hapless students lost one or two academic sessions.In such a backdrop, the govt. authority, after due consultations with all political parties in the area including BUPC, wherein all agreed for govt. and police intervention for restoration of peace, wanted to enter the area for the sake of restoring law and order situation in the area that saw absolute lawlessness since January 2007.But, unfortunately, the activists of BUPC decided to confront the Police Force with arms putting the women and children in the forefront as the ‘human shield’. In the ensuing uncalled for Police Firing and internecine clashes on 14 March 2007, 14 people met with most unfortunate deaths. This unfortunate and avoidable loss of precious human lives (though only 8 people died of Police firing and balance 6 died of fires from armed BUPC members. Even today, one victim remains unidentified with multiple stab injuries) gave fillip to the nationwide campaign by BUPC and opposition parties against the ruling Left Front painting them as Anti-farmer.Since then, despite repeated govt efforts to restore peace including the efforts initiated by the legendary statesman, Com. Jyoti Basu, the rainbow coalition led by the principal opposition party in the state had disregarded all appeals to them for restoration of peace and allow the evicted CPIM sympathizers (who were mostly small, marginal farmers and landless labourers and who had already missed two precious cropping seasons) to move to their homes in Nandigram.In the cut-off area of Nandigram Block I, BUPC’s torture on common people increased manifold, they indulged in boundless corrupt practices selling scraps of a local, now closed PSU factory, fell and sold precious trees planted by the Panchayat. They illegally amassed lakhs of rupees, a part of which was diverted to purchase sophisticated arms to carry forward the so-called ‘war’ against the state and the CPIM. BUPC got a fillip after the arrival of so-called Maoists from adjoining Jharkhand state. From October 2007 onwards, they tried to spread their sphere of influence from Nandigram I to Nandigram II, Khejuri and other blocks by massive armed assaults, in which many CPIM leaders, activists and common poor people were killed. The timing for their renewed armed attack is to be noted. It coincided with the strident position adopted by the Left, especially CPIM, against the Indo-US Civil Nuclear Deal. We all know that the American Imperialism was deeply disturbed and unhappy with this principled opposition of the Left. When this armed opposition by BUPC, ably supported by a section of a reactionary intellectual, was in progress in full swing causing irreparable damage to lives, property of the poor people, the Chief of Times Warner Media group made a surprise visit to Kolkata. This gentleman had a long meeting with Smt. Mamata Banerjee, the TMC leader along with the owner and editor of a Bengali media baron who is well known for his strong anti-Left bias. Coming out, the Times chief told the waiting journalists (they were not allowed to this tête-à-tête) that he would make all arrangements to spread the message of this ‘democratic’ struggle of TMC to every nook and corner of the globe. Before this, sometime in 2006, some leading American officials had a secret meeting with Sri Siddhiqulla, another Muslim fundamentalist leader of BUPC. When all these subversive activities led by BUPC and Maoists inside Nandigram and outside by TMC, Congress, SUCI, Naxalites and a section of the reactionary and ‘sold-out’ intellectuals were in progress, democratic movement including that of the working class, peasants, youths, students, women of West Bengal carried out innumerable struggle throughout the state to highlight the issue. They also collected and donated lakhs of rupees towards the welfare of this ‘new refugees’ of Nandigram. Unfortunately, barring a few, majority of the media groups decided to totally black out this unique expression of solidarity.Some of the courageous young filmmakers like Ms. Anindita Sarvadhikary risked their lives to enter the occupied parts of Nandigram and shoot unforgettable films titled as “Nandigram: Uttarer Khoje” (Nandigram: In search of answer) that showed in graphic details the inhuman torture meted out by BUPC goons inside Nandigram and adjoining areas like Khejuri. She also filmed how the helpless CPIM sympathizers and common people numbering thousands are living in sub-human conditions in makeshift tents. The film was an instant hit but none of the members of the so-called intellectual community of Kolkata and ‘Civil Society’ was bothered with her vivid description of reality inside Nandigram. Incidentally, she told in one of her recent absorbing TV interviews that none of the so-called intellectuals, artists of Kolkata barring three (who were otherwise showing their concerns about the plight of the people of Nandigram) responded to her frantic sms calls to contribute to the fund to purchase new clothes for 994 displaced children of Nandigram who were living in makeshift tents during Durga Puja and Id festival. However, the common people contributed generously and she could distribute such new clothes to these hapless children.In such a situation, when the BUPC tried to extend their sphere of influence through brutal use of force, HEROIC PEOPLE OF NANDIGRAM, already at the end of their tether, decided not to tolerate any more. In early November 2007, THEY DECIDED TO RETALIATE AND DEFEND THEIR LIVES under the leadership of CPIM. Eleven long months in appalling sub-human conditions in makeshift tents strengthened their resolve to make a decisive final push to liberate their village from the clutches of heartless goons masquerading as members of BUPC. BUPC and Maoists again set the common poor people in front as ‘human shield’, as they did on 14 March 2007, firing indiscriminately from behind. In the ensuing clash, few people met with unfortunate deaths. Some in violent explosion of land mines planted by the Maoists.But poor people, those who still lived inside Nandigram weathering all the tortures of BUPC and Maoists, fled from the human shield to seek help of CPIM. In front of the wave of humanity, determined to get back their own land and house, BUPC and Maoists goons fled, leaving arms, ammunitions even Improvised Explosive Devices (IED) like land mines behind. His Excellency, the Governor of West Bengal, Mr. Gopal Krishna Gandhi, unfortunately started to fish in troubled waters overstepping his constitutional boundaries. He gave two open press statements – one after 14 March 2007 Police firing blaming his own government and now when the evicted people from Nandigram started to return to their homes. In between, for mysterious reasons, his conscience did not trouble him though he got regular inputs from his state govt. and a section of the media about the plight of the people of Nandigram – both inside and outside. Some of the so-called intellectuals of Kolkata, ably supported by some migratory varieties from New-Delhi, Gujarat, Maharashtra are now unfortunately crying wolf about absence of democracy in West Bengal, creating trouble even at the 13th Kolkata International Film Festival, though they maintained a stoic silence when no less than 27 CPIM activists, sympathizers were murdered and thousands rendered homeless. Even today they stubbornly refuse to condemn the violence against the poor evicted people unmasking their bias.Fortunately, many intellectuals, artists and players refused to join the so-called chorus of the above disgruntled elements. Dada Saheb Phalke award winner, leading actor, Soumitra Chatterjee, actors Dilip Roy, Mithun Chakraborty, famous film director Tarun Majumdar, Anindita Sarvadhikary, Goutam Halder, Writers Debes Roy, Ajijul Haque, Abul Basar, and many others, Playwrights and Dramatists Mohit Chattopadhyay, Arun Mukhopadhyay, Sabyasachi Chakraborty, Arjun Award winner player Santa Mitra, Surajit Sengupta, Bula Chowdhury, and many others came out in open support of the evicted people and the manner in which they forced their entry into their own village and home. Kolkata witnessed a mammoth peace rally on 15 November 2007 at the call of above intellectuals.As this write-up leave the desk of the author, peace has been restored in Nandigram. State Govt, CPIM leaders, activists and common people in thousands are joining hands to bring back the situation fast on to the track of normalcy. State Govt. also announced compensation of Rs.2 lakh each to the victims of police firing on 14 March, transferred the police officers (pending final judgment of the court) against whom complaints were there, arranged for relief of Rs.1 crore in total for distressed people. CPIM is organizing separate relief operations on a massive scale.But there is no room for any complacency, as the displaced BUPC goons, and frustrated opposition will try to make every effort to foment further trouble with the active backing of imperialist forces. It is to be noted that these reactionary forces were confident to evict the ruling Left Front in the Assembly election in 2006 in view of unprecedented steps initiated by the Election Commission. When that did not happen due the exemplary unity displayed by the people, they tried to foment trouble using arms. In retrospect, it appears that the situation at the initial stages in Nandigram went out of control due to some inept handling at various levels, which was later recovered quite fast with the active help of the people. In any drive for Industrialization and development work, people have to be taken into full confidence. This effort is now bearing fruits in industrialization drive in districts like Burdwan, Purulia, Bankura, other parts of Medinipur and elsewhere in West Bengal.Nandigram also showed that it is not the ‘barrel’ per se that will have the last laugh; The people’s determined resistance is thousand times more powerful than the barrel of the gun.

RED SALUTE TO NANDIGRAM AND ITS FIGHTING MASS.
Rana Mitra is a regular writer on socio-econmic issues and a trade unionist.

Tuesday, June 17, 2008

Thirty Years of Left Front Government in West Bengal



by BUDDHADEB BHATTACHARJEE
Chief Minister, West Bengal
21 June,2007


The Left Front Government in West Bengal has been in office for the last thirty years since its first installation on June 21, 1977. The uninterrupted tenure of this government elected by the people of the state for seven consecutive terms is a significant event in the history of world democracy.
West Bengal is free from religious intolerance, caste conflicts and ethnic
tensions. The state has a glorious tradition of communal harmony.
The people of West Bengal take special care for strengthening the
democratic secular polity of our country.

The Left Front Government in West Bengal is committed to
pursuing an alternative path of development aiming
at raising the common man’s standard of living. We have been
implementing schemes and programmes to mitigate
the hardship of the economically backward and middle class people.
West Bengal has made significant strides in several directions over
the last three decades. Thirty years ago, our government initiated
land reform measures. The major emphasis was placed on the
redistribution of ceilingsurplus land to landless poor agricultural
labourers. It was also decided to ensure the rights of sharecroppers.
As a result of land reforms, small and marginal farmers now own 84%
of the total agricultural land in West Bengal.

More than 55% of the beneficiaries belong to SCs, STs and
the minorities. The programme titled ‘Operation
Barga’ has been successfully implemented and the names
of a large number of sharecroppers have been registered
in the record-of-rights relating to agricultural land in the state.
In 1978, West Bengal set up its newly oriented panchayat bodies
following the electoral commitment of the
Left Front. Since then panchayats in our state, provided with
decentralised powers, have been playing a very
important role in building rural public assets and in executing
development schemes and projects in the countryside.
We have taken steps to strengthen the institutional capacities
of our panchayat bodies. Our efforts are being
directed towards improving gender equity and social inclusions.
Our panchayats are also discharging their
responsibilities in empowering women and in providing
elementary education in various areas along with
promoting public health and livelihood options.
The total number of self help groups (SHGs) in West
Bengal is now 5.3 lakh. These SHGs comprise 53 lakh
members of whom 90% are women. The rural sanitation
programme is progressing well in our state. Seventy four
per cent of the rural households have now access to
sanitation facilities. A number of gram panchayats and
panchayat samities have been awarded Nirmal Gram Puraskar
by the Government of India. The land reform measures and
the activities of panchayats in West Bengal have brought about
remarkable changes in the quality of life for the people of the
state’s rural sector. The effect of land distribution has been
reflected in the increase of foodgrain production. Irrigation
facilities have been enhanced. Seeds and other inputs
of cultivation are being provided to the peasants. The total
foodgrain production, mainly rice, has been steadily
increasing. Fish production, too, has reached new heights.
West Bengal holds the top position in the inland fisheries
sector. The purchasing power of the rural people of West
Bengal has significantly gone up resulting in the increasing
demand for industrial goods.
Now, the state government is laying stress on the second
stage of rural development programmes.
Agri-business has been identified as one of the key areas of
development in West Bengal. The state is now developing five
agriexport zones, food parks, cold chain and other forms of infrastructure.
A modern multi-food processing unit set up by
the Dabur in North Bengal has been functioning.
Frito-Lay India has established a food processing unit in the district
of Howrah. Our government is striving hard to sustain its success
on the agricultural front. Based on the significant growth in the
agricultural sector, West Bengal is moving fast to accelerate the pace
of its industrial development. It is now recognised as one of the
leading states of India in respect of industrial
investment. The economic environment of West Bengal
is conducive to the promotion of manufacturing and
knowledge-based industries. The economy of West Bengal has
been growing at an average rate of more than 8% per annum for the last
few years. The state offers vast opportunities for investment
in areas such as iron and steel, chemicals and
petrochemicals, IT and IT -enabled services, gem and
jewellery, leather, engineering, agri-business, biotechnology,
real estate, health services and tourism. The facilities of
West Bengal include the availability of
raw materials, an advantageous location, a good network
of communications, low cost of operations, a sound
agricultural base, a large and concentrated market, and
a good pool of human capital and skills. The state
government has been pursuing an industry-friendly policy.

For the last five years the annual industrial investment
in West Bengal has been more than Rs. 2,000 crore.
West Bengal’s growth in some sectors deserves special
mention. In the chemical and petrochemical
sector, three major units, namely Haldia Petrochemicals Ltd.,
Mitsubishi Chemical Corporation’s PTA
plant and South Asia Petrochemicals have been working
successfully for the last few years. Japan’s
single largest FDI in India has been made through
Mitsubishi Chemical Corporation’s PTA plant (MCCPTA)
at Haldia. In West Bengal, the iron and steel industry is
regarded as one of the thrust areas of growth. West Bengal is a
major leather-producing state. The newly set-up Kolkata
Leather Complex offers modern facilities for the
development of leather-related activities including tanning,
manufacturing and designing. The West Bengal
government is also concentrating on promoting micro &
small scale enterprises and textiles.
The state government
is spearheading many initiatives and partnerships to develop
West Bengal as the regional commercial hub of the
east. Our government is stepping up efforts to develop the
infrastructure sector. At present, the power position in the
state is stable. We are proceeding with our plans for creating
significant power capacity addition under the state
sector. Thre new satellite townships, world-class expressways,
ports, a sea-port, a logistics hub, construction of
roads and bridges are some of the important initiatives undertaken
by us. It is necessary to appreciate the fact that
the state government alone cannot develop, upgrade, and
maintain the infrastructure sector. We believe that the
public-private partnership can harmoniously work to offer
adequate infrastructure facilities. We have already taken
several effective initiatives in this area.
Our state, though a late starter in the field of information
technology, has achieved remarkable growth over the
last decade. At the moment, there are more than 250 IT
companies which are providing direct employment to over
50,000 professionals. These companies registered export
earnings of over Rs. 3,500 crore in the financial year
ending March, 2007. The IT industries of West Bengal
are also creating jobs in the support service sector, housing
projects, infrastructure etc. West Bengal today is the home
to most leading names in the IT sector including TCS,
Wipro, IBM, Cognizant, PWC, HCl, Genpact, Skytech, Siemens,
HSBC etc. Both foreign and domestic IT
companies are operating in the state to contribute to its economy.
The Department of Information Technology has been constantly
striving to attract high-end IT companies,
KPOs and BPOs to the state to generate more employment
and increase export revenues. It is our vision to emerge
among the top 3 states contributing around 15% to 20% of
the total revenues generated by this sector in the country.
The government is trying to focus on high-end and VLSI
industry and to develop satellite IT hubs in towns such as
Siliguri, Durgapur, Kalyani, Kharagpur and Haldia. While
IT parks on PPP model have already been launched at
Siliguri and Durgapur, efforts are being made to develop
an advanced IT park near the lIT at Kharagpur.
In the sphere of education, our state is making progress
in spreading universal and free elementary education.
We have accorded priority to the implementation of the
Sarba Siksha Mission programme. A mass literacy
programme has been continuing in the state over the
years. West Bengal has achieved 75% literacy. Stress is
being laid on extending technical education schemes and
vocational training programmes. Computer education
has been introduced in the state on a fairly large scale.
The number of schools has increased, and at the same time,
the dropout rate is decreasing. The mid-day meal programme
in schools is being carried out with the participation
of all concerned. In new areas, colleges are being set up,
and the growing number of students passing out from
these institutions indicates the gradual improvement of
our educational standards. Several universities with special
orientations such as law, engineering, medicine, technology
and animal and fishery sciences have been set up to
meet the needs of a large number of students. All other
well-known universities of the State have been functioning
creditably. The University of Calcutta has completed its
150 years of existence. We are setting up some centres
of excellence at the higher education level. Kolkata occupies
an important place in the history of science education
and research in India. Our state has the distinction of having
a number of internationally reputed scientific research
institutes. The Indian Institute of Science Education and
Research, Kolkata, recently inaugurated by Prime Minister
Dr. Manmohan Singh, is a significant addition to the sphere
of higher education and research in West Bengal. Our
state is internationally acclaimed as a seat of culture.
We must keep alive the cultural tradition of West Bengal.
West Bengal has a comprehensive healthcare system.
The state government caters to the healthcare needs of
72% of the people. Recently, we have taken a number of
steps to improve the condition of these state-run hospitals
and health centres. Special care is being taken to improve
the quality of the primary health centres in the state. We
are concentrating on improving the health infrastructure.
We are implementing and promoting different programmes
to serve the interests of scheduled castes, scheduled
tribes, other backward classes and hill people. The minority
sub-plan is being introduced in the State.
West Bengal has a pioneering role in providing unemployment
benefits to the workers of locked-out
industries. The scheme, introduced in 1998, now provides
the financial assistance of Rs. 750 per month to
every worker of the registered factories and plantations
that are locked out. We have already launched a scheme
of provident fund for the workers of the unorganised sector
of the state. Some schemes are being implemented for
the welfare of the building and other construction workers of the state.
It is incumbent on us to step up the all-round development
of West Bengal. We have to create more employment
opportunities. Thousands of young men and women are
seeking jobs. They will shape the future of our country.
We cannot fail them. We must try our best to live up to
the people’s expectations.