Brutal Attack on Democracy in West Bengal

By Debasish Chakraborty

Peoples Democracy,   October 11, 2015

Kolkata: ‘DACOITY in Daylight’,  ‘Blood on the streets as Bengal goes to the polls in civic elections’, ‘Hide, Didi, Hide’, ‘ Unabated Lumpenraj’, ‘Elders stand up to goons of Trinamool in Bidhannagar’- these are some of the headlines in leading newspapers on October 4. They were reporting polls in three Corporations in West Bengal the day before. Paragraphs after paragraphs were written how the armed gangs of the ruling party practically invaded localities, particularly in Bidhannagar, and captured booths after fierce attacks on voters.

All elections, including Pachayat elections in 2013,  Lok Sabha elections in 2014, Municipalities polls including Kolkata Corporation in April this year were marred by widespread rigging, booth capturing and violence. Readers of Peoples Democracy would remember horrible facts of how TMC captured hundreds of booths in Kolkata and North 24 Parganas in particular in April. In many areas, the ruling party candidate got even 98 percent of the polled votes! Elections in Bengal have become farce to a degree never imagined in any place in the country.

The apprehension was there this time too when Bidhannagar, Asansol and Bali (as newly added part of Howrah Corporation) went to polls. In Bidhannagar, Left Front candidates were threatened, some of them were forced to remain indoors throughout the campaign period. Left activists were attacked, campaign materials destroyed. Three days before the elections, gangs of TMC activists, mostly rowdies were brought into Bidhannagar from different areas. They were kept in government-owned stadium, lodges and hotels. They were brought in broad daylight in buses and cars. Nothing was done to ensure peaceful polling despite repeated appeals to administration. In fact, police was accomplice to the whole design.

On the polling day, these gangs began to take control from the morning. They began to beat up Left polling agents, chasing away voters, thrashing residents near polling booths, roaming in gangs and converting the whole municipality area into a terror zone. The people of the state were shocked to watch this blatant and violent attack on democracy in television from the morning. Scores were injured, including elderly voters and women who dared to stand in the queue.

By 10 am, it was clear that an unprecedented rigging was taking place in Bidhannagar. In most wards, opposition agents or supporters were chased away. Roads were deserted and outsiders were on rampage with the help of the police. The wrath turned towards the media persons covering these scenes. One after another journalist was attacked; many of them were beaten up severely. Altogether 20 journalists and photographers from television and print media were attacked. Some of them had to be hospitalised. Women journalists were threatened of dire consequences including rape. Cameras were destroyed. The attacks were led by the TMC MLAs. Never before had such a large scale attack on media happened anywhere in the country. The real face of Mamata Banerjee rule was thoroughly exposed to the entire nation.

Meanwhile in Asansol, many booths were captured, though the resistance was far more intense in Raniganj, Jamuria and Asansol city. Coal mafias led attacks there with connivance from police. In Bali, people were chased away from booths and no semblance of election was witnessed.

Only exception was Siliguri Mahakuma Parishad, where three tier panchayats went to polls. United vigil from the people forced the ruling party hoodlums to back away and a peaceful voting took place there.

WAVES OF PROTEST

The ferocious attack on democratic rights of the people shattered the conscience of the state and wide protests took place. The Left Front demanded a re-poll in three Corporations. Immediate sit-in in front of the state election commission had started. The Left front also gave a call for Bidhannagar Bandh on October 5, which was withdrawn only after state election commissioner declared deferment of counting for an indefinite period.

More farcical incidents were in store, though. After the postponement of the counting, TMC activists led by senior state ministers stormed the state election commission’s office. The election commissioner Sushanta Ranjan Upadhyay proved himself a loyal follower of the chief minister throughout his tenure and never exercised the legal powers to protect the sanctity of free and fair elections. He was widely criticised as a ‘stooge’ of the ruling party. However, with widespread criticism from all quarters, the election commissioner tried to deflect the anger in a limited manner. Even that was not permitted and senior ministers threatened him with dire consequences. The election commissioner was forced to first rescind his order and then resign altogether. He put in his papers to the governor and within hours the transport secretary of the state was appointed as new commissioner, simultaneously holding both the posts. Till the filing of this report, the entire episode remains undecided.

The state rose in protest. Rallies and protest marches took place in all corners of the state against the murder of democracy. The media persons took out a huge procession in Kolkata and demanded immediate arrest of the culprits. Renowned intellectuals issued a strong statement condemning the attack on democracy. Signatories included Mrinal Sen, Soumitra Chatterjee, poet Sankha Ghosh, film directors Srijit Mukherjee, Aparna Sen, actor Abir Chatterjee and former state election commissioner Mira Pande.

A WEEK OF AUTHORITARIAN BRUTALITY

In fact, the first week of October has exposed the authoritarian nature of the TMC regime in a brutal form. Nearly 300 Left activists were injured, many of them severely, when police attacked a rally in Kolkata on October 1. Police brutally charged batons on the rally which was proceeding towards Kolkata police headquarters, protesting the deteriorating law and order in the city and hundreds of false cases. The rally was attacked nearly a kilometre away from the police headquarters at Lalbazar. Police was determined to spill blood and attacked the marchers without any provocation and warning.

CPI(M) Central Committee member and CITU state secretary Dipak Dasgupta, Polit Bureau member Md Salim, Party state committee member Manab Mukherjee, Rupa Bagchi, senior RSP leader Sukumar Ghosh  and front ranking leaders of Kolkata district were among those injured. Many were hospitalised. Many of them were hit on the head. CPI(M) activist Bishwanath Kundu was grievously injured and he had to go through an emergency brain operation.

Lalbazar march was organised by the Left Front in Kolkata. Processions started from three points. Senior Left Front leaders like Biman Basu and Suryakanta Misra led these processions. Thousands of people marched towards Lalbazar. At a point, police suddenly charged towards the rally. They began lathicharge without any provocation. Left leaders tried to persuade them to restrain but without any effect. Even after the first attack, the protesters refused to turn back and then came the second spur of attack. Large police force along with the RAF was used in this attack. Women protesters were beaten up by police too. Many senior and aged protesters were mercilessly beaten. The campaign vehicle of the Left Front was vandalised by the police.

A delegation of Left leaders, meanwhile was scheduled to submit memorandum to the police commissioner. But they refused doing so, protesting the brutal attack. Suryakanta Misra and other leaders rushed to the spot and a road blockade started. It continued for hours.

CPI(M) general secretary Sitaram Yechury condemned this barbaric attack in a huge rally in Mathurapur on October 2. While addressing the public meeting in connection with the SFI state conference, Yechury warned the ruling party that such attacks on democratic movements in 1970s preceded the formation of the Left Front government in the state. The people of West Bengal would never allow such brutality and would respond in a fitting manner.

On October 4, thousands of people participated in a protest march in Kolkata against the police brutality and rigging in the civic polls.

Spectacular Rally at Brigade Echoes Peoples’ Anger

Left Challenges Authoritarianism

By Debasish Chakraborty

AS the Brigade Parade Ground in Kolkata turned into a sea of humanity, splashed with crimson red all over, roaring slogans reverberated in every street leading to the ground, even the Ganges became red with streams of boats carrying hundreds of people, the question emerged, how this ‘miracle’ was made possible.

Even the staunch anti-Left media was forced to admit that the Left Front rally on 9th February not only surpassed in its size and spirit the two earlier rallies in the same ground in the last ten days but also was the largest the city had seen in at least two decades. This has happened despite terrorisation, life-threats, obstacles created by the ruling party in every step. This was not a usual rally; it was the defiance of an authoritarian regime, an outburst of anger, a collective determination to break through darkness. Spring has just started to bloom in flora and fauna of Bengal, the rally was a festival of courage.

It was not ‘miracle’, it simply proved, once again, how deep the roots of the Left are in the society of Bengal.

Many came from terror-stricken areas in unique ways, escaping the vulture eyes of the goons of the ruling party. Some, from East and West Medinipore districts started a day earlier, individually and then met somewhere to march to Brigade. From Bengal-Jharkhand border areas, the people came without any external sign that they were moving towards Kolkata. On the day of the rally, buses carrying people were forcibly stopped in many areas in Burdwan. The people either chased the hoodlums or just shifted their journey through trains to finally reach the rally ground. Stories of distinctive methods and bravery were abundant. These struggling people gathered more confidence, more courage to fight back the evil forces that have gripped not only the political power but also the socio-cultural fabric of Bengal.

On 30th January, Trinamool Congress held the rally at the same venue where Mamata Banerjee avoided all important issues of the state and gave a call of “Delhi Chalo”, without any clarity with whom she wanted to go with. Five days later, Narendra Modi held his first public meeting in the same place and proposed the formulation of “Mamata in Bengal, Modi in Delhi”. The political message was not that secret: tacit understanding between BJP and TMC was in the offing. On 9th February, Left Front leaders clearly gave a call of a government at the centre which would be based on alternative policies.

CPI(M) general secretary Prakash Karat strongly criticised the UPA-2 government which came to power in 2009 with Mamata Banerjee’s help as one which has only multiplied the woes of the common man; rampaging inflation, growing unemployment, massive corruption. The BJP, which was trying to pose itself as an alternative, had the same economic policies. Modi’s Gujarat model, he said, was but a euphemism for large scale ‘loot’ by big corporations, Indian and MNC. Modi stands for ensuring supernormal profits for these companies and will complete the full measure of neo-liberal economic policy. That apart, Karat reminded the people of BJP’s communal agenda and Modi’s active role in the 2002 genocide. The party is therefore working towards creating a non-Cong and non-BJP alternative that will govern the country on an ‘alternative policy’ trajectory. He informed the people of Bengal of the initiative taken by the CPI(M) and the Left parties to bring together non-Congress, non-B J P secular parties. He announced that these parties will meet soon and announce the political programme before the Lok Sabha elections.

CPI(M) Polit Bureau member Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee said that the Mamata government was insulting the youth of the state, not only increasing unemployment by virtual shut down of industrial development, but being dishonest in advertising creation of new jobs, a trickle actually, like the contractual policemen, which paid less than minimum wage or exhorting them to work for fraudulent companies such as Sharada etc.  He accused her of playing with the lives of the Bengali people. He said all work, be it industry or agricultural had come to a standstill. He termed the government as shameless; wasting people’s money for promoting her own face in government sponsored advertisements at an unprecedented scale, every possible media vehicle, every day. He blasted the CM for having a tacit understanding with the communal BJP and exposed Modi’s governance claims. He reminded the people that Gujarat, unlike Bengal, had no record of land reforms and no people’s representation at the grassroots level. It was backward in mass education. He said that the people of Bengal would never accept ‘two laddoos of Modi-Mamata coalition’ that BJP PM hopefully offered.

Left Front chairman and CPI(M) Polit Bureau member, Biman Bose, reminded the gathering of the promises made by the TMC before the 2009 Loksabha polls and 2011 assembly polls, which were now proved as hollow. All that the CM was interested in was hosting ‘festivals’ at the cost of keeping crores of stomachs hungry. The government and the ruling party were encouraging the growth of anarchy and divisive forces. It was trying to break the unity of the poor and toiling masses, every dissenting voice is being muffled. He urged the people of Bengal to recognise the true face of this ‘dishonest’ political force, which has taken 145 lives of Left workers and leaders so far. She had allowed her ‘naughty’ boys to attack women savagely, with the most heinous cases of rape and murder becoming common place in the state. It was a shame for all Bengalis that the most modern, cultured and safe society of Bengal is now a leader in the country today in atrocities against women. Basu called for resistance to terror with courage.

The leader of the opposition and CPI(M) Polit Bureau member, Surjyakanta Mishra, electrified the gathering with his warning to the CM to use her ‘eyes & ears’ to listen to the protests of the people of Bengal. He castigated her for the complete lack of democracy in her party, her voice being the only one. As he delivered the charge sheet against the TMC government, the massive crowd roared in approval. He dubbed the government as totalitarian, anti-people, anti-development and corrupt. He exposed the massive growth of per capita debt of Bengal after this party came to power. Rs 55,000 crore had been added in just 30 months. Bengal had gone from being the 13th in per capita debt to being the No.1 in the country. He charged that the CM had bankrupted the state by her ad hoc expenses, most of it on festivals across the state, throughout the year. The new administrative calendar was more of a festival itinerary, having planned 60 in the coming year, one a week. He thundered that the people would no longer allow her to loot the votes like she had done during the panchayat and municipal polls, they would fight back. 

Other speakers at the rally included Hafiz Alam Sairani of Forward Bloc, Kshiti Goswami of RSP, Manjukumar Majumdar of CPI, Ratan Mazumdar of DSP, Janmejaya Ojha of SP, Mihir Bain of RCPI, Pratim Chatterjee of MFB, Umesh Choudhury of BBC, Shivnath Sinha of Workers party, Samar Bardhan of Bolshevik party.

The mammoth rally roared in one voice as Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee said, ‘the voices of the toiling masses of Bengal cannot be stopped; the Red Flag can never be forced to surrender’.

https://plus.google.com/u/0/photos/107460306998502333712/albums/5978744569589924913

West Bengal: Criminals’ Own Country

By Debasish Chakraborty

State Records Highest Growth in Crimes in Two Years 

WHATEVER happens to economic growth, West Bengal has achieved the highest growth rate of crime in the whole country. And this too in just two years! This grand success has been recognised by the Crime in India, 2012 report compiled by the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) that comes under the union ministry of home affairs. The report has also exposed that the state, under Trinamul regime, ranked first in the matter of crimes against woman for consecutive two years.

The NCRB report showed the incidence of total cognisable crimes in the states and union territories during 2007-2011, the quinquennial average of these five years, and the numbers in 2012. It also calculated the percentage change in 2012 over the said average. It showed that in West Bengal the overall incidence of crimes has increased by a whopping 41.6 per cent over the 2007-11 average. This is the highest increase in the whole country, while the average growth rate in crimes is 11.2 per cent for the country as a whole. Nearest to West Bengal is Assam with 37.6 per cent increase, while in Kerala it is 20.8 per cent. The rate of increase in the corresponding period was 15 per cent in UP, 19.2 per cent in Odisha and 6.2 per cent in Andhra Pradesh. West Bengal experienced an increase of 12.7 per cent over the 2011 figure.

The time period of this unprecedented growth of crime is exactly the same as that of the TMC rule in the state. Significantly, the period of 2007-11 witnessed widespread Maoist violence in three districts of West Bengal, and the anarchy and violence spearheaded by the then opposition during the Singur-Nandigram agitations, resulting in an increase in IPC crimes. But these components were absent in 2011 and 2012. Even then the unparalleled growth rate of crime points to an increasing dominance of criminals and anti-social elements in the society in West Bengal. Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee has often commented that criminals in West Bengal were now feeling that the government was theirs. The NCRB report has now proved him correct.

West Bengal, once the safest place for women, has turned into a horror place for them in the last two years. That this is not an overstatement has well been proved by the NCRB data. It shows that in 2011 the registered cases of crime against women in the state were 29,133. Then these increased to 30,942 in 2012, making the state Numero Uno again. West Bengal accounted for 12.7 per cent of the total number of crimes against women in India. For Andhra Pradesh the figure is 28,171 and for UP 23,579.

True the incidence of rape in the state dropped to 2,046 in 2012 from 2,363 in 2011. However, cases of kidnapping and abduction increased to 4,168 in 2012 from 3,711 in 2011. “Assault on women with intent to outrage their modesty” has also shown an increase to 3,345 in 2012 from 2,363 in 2011. Insult to modesty accounted for 556 registered cases in 2012.

It should be noted here that the state government has practically stopped sending details to the NCRB for the few months now. But even the truncated version has exposed the kind of rule that the first woman chief minister of West Bengal has created in the state.

The state administration in is no mood to look at the facts. State director general of police, Naparajit Mukherjee, contested the NCRB statistics, saying the rape incidents had come down "considerably." He said this in a media conference just after two consecutive incidents of murder after mass rape took place in North 24 Parganas and Nadia. In these cases, two girl students were killed after rape.

Opposition leader Suryakanta Misra has termed the lack of concern on the part of the state administration on the deteriorating law and order situation as the most serious source of concern. Taking a dig at the DGP, Mishra said: "He is talking like his master's voice." He accused the Mamata Banerjee government of using the police as well as the administration "shamelessly" in its interest. The CPI(M) leader also contested the government's view that recording of crimes against women had increased during its rule. "There is no scope for reporting of crimes at police stations across the state even in case of crimes against women," Mishra commented.

People's Democracy, June 16, 2013

Who Are The Maoists Working For?

by Debasish Chakraborty

The rifle slinging carelessly from his shoulder, the Maoist zonal commander Bikash faced the electronic boom and openly admitted in public that the mine blast in Salboni in November 2008 was meant to kill the West Bengal chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya. He then added that Buddhadeb had been sentenced to death by the Maoists. In the middle of the interview, Bikash ran his fingers through his hair to smoothen it. The total episode may have resembled the shooting of a Bollywood thriller “Main Maoist Hoon.”

THE FLAW LIES HERE

The above sequence must have made some people very excited. Sitting kilometres away from Lalgarh, somebody may have had the desire to participate in a ‘war-war game’. Some had even travelled there in search of the ‘cute’ Maoists but ended up only in meeting Chatradhar Mahato. The loveliest of beauties among the retinue openly lamented, “What Maoist? We didn’t see a Maoist anywhere!” Really, what a pity!

The experience of the people who do have to meet and live with the Maoists, though, seems to be a wee bit different in general. Andhra Pradesh, Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh have been going through the experience for the last decade or so. From afar, it was easier to paint a romantic picture of the “perpetual class war” going on in these areas. Now people in Belpahari-Lalgarh-Bandwan area have had a first hand experience of the state of things in a ‘liberated’ (!!!) zone.

The Maoists have been able to expand their influence in some districts of six or seven states. Although there has been a debate about the area of the so called Red Corridor, it cannot be denied that the Maoists have been successful in expanding their ‘Raj’ in these six or seven states. Has this ‘Raj’ been the outcome of a vibrant mass movement? Has the movement of the peasantry, or of the working class, been the driving force behind the Maoist domination? Has anybody been the witness of such happenings? Has anybody heard the Maoists spearheading any mass movement for the rightful demands of the poor landless peasants, the rural poor and the adivasis? By name, they are indeed a communist party. But nobody can condemn them for having waged any movement in favour of the class they claim to be the representatives of, that is, the working class. They do not bear any responsibility of building any mass movements. The theory of acquiring dominance at gun point has been termed as a “continuous people’s war” while at times the ‘self- proclaimed revolutionaries’ termed it as guerrilla warfare. Maybe at times, perhaps to win over support from the middle class, they may enter into a public debate. Then they would say that if the state itself is an armed apparatus, an instrument of coercion, the working people should also take up arms against the state for survival. But the flaw lies here.

The Chinese revolutionaries, who understood the true character of the state far better than the Indian Maoists have ever understood, had always stressed on the necessity of mass action and mass movements. And the man in whose name the Maoists are running their party had always emphasised on the supreme importance of mass participation. Comrade Mao had had, several times before as well as after the Chinese revolution, stressed on the active initiative of crores of people.

POLITICS OF TERROR

But the Indian Maoists believe in the politics of terror, perpetrated by their armed squads, instead of an organised and spontaneous mass movement. This particular trend is quite harmful for the real mass movements in our country. The territory where the Maoists are very powerful at this present moment of time happens to be the abode of a vast section of the poorest of the poor Indian masses. Even if, suppose, somebody claims that the adivasi population is the main ‘proletariat’ in the country, he or she must be aware of the fact that a vast majority of the adivasi population too lives in this belt. They are living under the shadow of the Maoist guns and have not been mobilised in any genuine mass movement. They are even being kept several light years away from the primary movements on economic demands. All these must surely be making the ruling classes of this country very happy. Apart from the law and order situation, our ruling classes have nothing to worry about.

Some people may feel thrilled with the thought that the Maoists have built their bases in the adivasi preponderant areas. But it is to be remembered that building such bases has nothing to do with sympathy for the adivasi population. In numerous documents, the Maoists themselves have categorically stated that the reasons behind choosing such areas are related to military tactics. The remote areas, the jungles are tough for the state to reach quickly. Due to this inaccessibility, obviously, these areas become favourable for their “guerrilla warfare.”

Thus the entire interest of the Maoists is in geography, with love or compassion for the adivasis and the poor having never been an issue for them. But, obviously, they can --- and they do --- make use of the intense poverty of the adivasi population, though not for enhancing their consciousness. Instead, this poverty has been used for making the people surrender to their diktat. As long as the news of Maoist mine blasts poured in from Andhra Pradesh or Chhattisgarh, an element of adventurism was there in the air. Now living amidst the muzzles of A K 47, however, people are bitterly realising the harsh reality prevailing in Lalgarh, Belpahari and other areas. As many as 73 CPI(M) activists have been killed in the Junglemahal area of Bengal. A large number has been driven out of their villages. This has been done precisely to create a reign of terror there. The world does not hold any other example where the poor people are afraid of ‘revolutionaries.’

PROTECTING WHOSE INTERESTS?

What are the Maoists doing in their so called open corridor? Are they distributing lands? Is feudalism being ousted? Are collective farms being run? Are development programmes for the adivasis and the poor being implemented? Nothing of the sort is being done. The areas in Bihar where the Maoists are most powerful, are quite comfortable areas for feudal lords. Very interestingly, due to the role of some other naxalite groups in these areas, there was some advancement of land movements in these areas earlier. Those advancements have now faded away. The Maoists and the feudal lords, in fact, share a common understanding among themselves. Land movement does not even have the remotest place in the Maoist agenda. Payment of levy to the Maoists clears the contractors from all sorts of hazards. The added advantage in this regard is that the contractors do not have to even construct the roads. The levy alone suffices the purpose. The Maoists share the same relation with the illegal wood and mine mafias. All parties are getting benefited from this symbiotic relationship. The Maoists act as paid agents of different political parties during the elections in Jharkhand. Children belonging to the poor adivasi families are taken away in the name of Balasangham in Chhattisgarh and Orissa. The Maoists have reached the final stages of degeneration. They are basically a mafia group now.

Of late, it has become a fashion to attribute underdevelopment as the reason for Maoist fervour in the Junglemahal of West Bengal. Lack of development is definitely there, particularly in the backward areas. In spite of some remarkable advancement in some sectors, poverty still persists. The neo-liberal policies pursued in our country over the last two decades have further widened the divide between the rich and the poor. It is an irony that on television channels some people argue for speedy realisation of the policies of neo-liberalism while, side by side, pointing out that lack of development is making the Maoists powerful. The Maoists themselves are against any kind of developmental model. In a capitalist society, any development cannot be there outside the sphere of class components and contents. But before a complete or thorough transformation of society take place, is it a crime to demand development for the working people? If the conditions and chances exist for development somewhere, is the utilisation of such opportunities a crime? Even the weird leftists whom Mao derided as the “Marxists sleeping on Marx,” never stooped so low!

The Indian Maoists oppose the projects of development everywhere. They oppose the laying of rail tracks, construction of bridges and establishment of power projects. Blowing up schools by the Maoists has become a very common phenomenon in Orissa, Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand. In West Midnapore, Bankura and Purulia districts of West Bengal, the Maoists have established themselves to be the strongest hindrance to any sort of developmental works. Whose interest are they protecting?

And let us have a look at their “class enemies.” They have killed 73 CPI(M) activists in the Junglemahal area of Bengal. Out of them, 50 were either agricultural labourers or poor peasants. These poor unarmed people were dragged into the jungle and stabbed or shot to death. Their bodies were left lying on the spot, only to decompose. Their family members were not given the right to cremate them. We don’t know what sort of infernal pleasure these atrocities provide to the Maoists. Making the life of the poor adivasis horrible does not possibly serve any class interests of the downtrodden.

POLITICAL MOTIVE

The political motive and interest of the Indian Maoists is definite and clear. Thanks to the long and sustained struggles, the three districts of Junglemahal have become strong bastions of the CPI(M). And the Maoists look upon their arms as the last resort in their sordid game to order to break this bastion. But this belief is not shared by the Maoists alone. Keeping the Maoists in the forefront, others including Trinamool Congress are playing their role as well. Nowhere in India have the Maoists earlier faced any political challenge. They have had confrontations with the police and the administration. West Bengal has provided the first instance where the Maoists have to taste the people’s resistance and the barrier of a mass movement. Naturally, the attack on the Left has become focussed.

There is no doubt that Bikash or Kishenji will become a star. With the CPI(M)’s tally having come down in the parliamentary elections, the share market has now nothing to worry about. Washington had played the tunes of delight and ecstasy. Big media houses can’t help expressing their excitement. At this point of time, it is quite obvious that the people engaged in killing the cadres of the CPI(M) are slated to definitely become stars. Naturally, the demands of the Kishenji, Bikash & Company are on the high side!

People's Democracy,July 05, 2009

‘Maoists’ And Their Friends In West Bengal

By Debasish Chakraborty

People’s Democracy, June 28, 2009

IN the seventies, a new term became popular in West Bengal: “Congxal”. It was used to identify Naxalite-turned-Congress hoodlums. Initially these elements launched attacks against CPI(M) activists, particularly in and around Kolkata, in the name of “revolution”. After the rigged assembly elections in 1972, a large section of these thugs became Youth Congress activists and a second phase of murderous assault against the Left started. It is well known that more than 1100 CPI(M) activists and supporters were killed and more than 20,000 were forced to leave their homes during the semi-fascist terror period of 1971-77. The infamous Siddarth Shankar Ray regime in West Bengal adopted a two-pronged strategy: on the one hand, a section of the Naxalite activists were brutally killed by the police and Congress workers, on the other, another section was used as murder gangs against CPI(M).

History does not repeat itself but resemblances are not that rare.

From 2001, ‘Maoists’ (Peoples’ War Group and MCC independently and from 2004 their joint party, CPI–Maoists) started a concerted attack on organised Left forces in Bengal. They concentrated mainly on the three districts of West Midnapore, Purulia and Bankura. Till date 73 CPI(M) leaders and activists were killed by them in these districts, while hundreds of others have been forced to leave their homes. It is true that the Maoists have been able to create a reign of terror in large parts of the “Jangal mahal” or the forest areas of these districts. But it is also clear enough that their target was CPI(M) and no one else. Interestingly, not a single activist of Trinamool Congress, Congress or various factions of Jharkhand Party (including JMM) was touched!

GAME PLAN BEHIND THESE ATTACKS

What are the politics and the game plan behind these attacks?

Firstly, the above mentioned three districts are strong bases of the CPI(M). The base has not emerged one fine morning; it was achieved through long and arduous struggles on the question of land and livelihood. The CPI(M) and the panchayats after 1977 worked massively in poorer and backward areas of these districts, particularly for the upliftment of the tribals. There was a dramatic improvement in the standard of living of thousands of people in those areas during the last three decades. The CPI(M), naturally, has a strong political presence in most of these areas. The armed attacks were the only available option for other political forces to break that base. ‘Maoists’ were encouraged by anti-CPI(M) forces to achieve this goal, which they themselves could not do.

Secondly, political geography is important here. Despite a large area of influence, there were certain areas in these districts, particularly in Lalgarh, Binpur blocks in West Midnapore, where CPI(M) was relatively weak. Factions of Jharkhand Party were in control of panchayats, and even won assembly seats with support from the Congress or the TMC. ‘Maoists’ chose those particular areas as their primary bases and the Jharkhandi leaders were quick to surrender. In fact, it was Jharkhandis at first, and then TMC activists who played the role of facilitators for the Maoists.

In spite of development initiatives, many tribal-dominated areas in these districts are still backward. The Left Front government on its own initiated a Human Development Report in 2004 in which many villages in these areas were identified as backward. Interestingly, many of these villages, including villages in Belpahari, Kantapahari, Amlasol are run by Jharkhand Party panchayats. They lagged far behind others in implementing developmental projects. For the last six to seven years, it is the ‘Maoists’ who aggressively opposed any efforts of development. They have destroyed bridges, chased away road construction workers, and blasted tourism buildings, even panchayat offices. They killed doctors and nurses through mine blasts. And, from November last year, their font-organisation “Peoples’ Committee” has dug up roads, destroyed bridges, blocked all kinds of administrative activities.

Another reason why the ‘Maoists’ chose to operate in this area is that it lies in the West Bengal-Jharkhand border. It is well known that the ‘Maoists’ operate in hilly terrain, remote plateaus, densely forest areas in all the states where they are somewhat active. It is not because that they are concerned about the tribal people, but it is part of their military strategy. They choose areas where so-called ‘guerrilla activities’ can be run in a relatively easier way. Particularly in Jharkhand, the ‘Maoists’ enjoy a free run. For quite a long time now, the Jharkhand administration has shown very little seriousness in dealing with them. Moreover, there is virtually no influential political party in Jharkhand which challenges these forces politically. ‘Maoists’ followed a hit and run policy in the border areas. Whenever there was any security offensive, they crossed the border and took shelter in their safe havens in the neighbouring state.

CLOSE AFFINITY WITH ANTI-LEFT FORCES

But most important of all and what can be considered as the special political perspective of ‘Maoists’ activities in West Bengal is their close affinity with the other anti-Left political forces, particularly Trinamool Congress, the main opposition force in the state. Their partnership expanded from western districts to other areas of the state, for example in Nandigram and Singur.

Apart from numerous reports of ‘Maoists’ active participation in Nandigram and their armed attacks along with the TMC gangs, the political and organisational documents of the ‘Maoists’ have also proven the complicity. They have, in fact, evolved a theoretical perspective for justifying this complicity. In a document, published in December, 2008 and circulated among the ‘Maoist’ rank and file, the ‘Maoist’ leaders have emphasised the need of a “united front” with anti-CPI(M) “ruling class parties” and particularly with the TMC. The document, titled “Some important problems in our work and their solutions”, asserted that as the CPI(M) is a “social fascist force” , it is important to organise “anti-fascist” front with other ruling class parties. Whoever wants to join in such “fronts” are welcome. Without giving any scope of confusion, the document has stated that Mamata Banerjee, the leader who was in the forefront of the “struggle” in Singur should be supported and ‘Maoist’ cadres should work closely with her. According to them, West Bengal is now a “flaming field” and many united fronts are emerging. All such joint operations should be encouraged. In another document evaluating the Nandigram episode, the ‘Maoists’ have clearly stated that they were in the forefront of armed activities, including arms training to BUPC, the organisation which spearheaded the agitation against land acquisition. The BUPC was led by TMC and it existed even after the chief minister categorically announced that there would be no land acquisition in Nandigram in February, 2007. In the document the ‘Maoists’ proudly claimed that though they were in leading position in armed aggression and killing of CPI(M) activists in Nandigram from the very beginning, the other parties accepted their leadership from July, 2008. They claimed that that it was an “achievement” that the other parties openly acknowledged the role of ‘Maoists’. They even acclaimed that TMC leaders “fought the war” in close cooperation with them.

During the ongoing security operation in Lalgarh, top ranking Maoist leader M Koteswar Rao alias “Kishenji” has given long interviews to the electronic media. In fact, he was busy in explaining things from morning to midnight in mobile phone interviews. Kishenji has categorically stated and the entire audience listened that ‘Maoists’ helped the TMC in Nandigram in “ousting” CPI(M) and in reciprocation they want Mamata Banerjee’s help to stop central security forces from entering Lalgarh. This mutual relationship was no secret though to any independent political observer in the state.

TARGET: WEAKEN THE CPI(M)

It would be wrong to singularly identify the Maoists though. A rainbow alliance emerged in West Bengal with the sole target of weakening CPI(M) in whatever way. Apart from anti-Left parties joining together, it included even basically fundamentalist organisations which were raising a false alarm of “conscious deprivation of Muslim minorities” and foreign funded NGOs.

The situation in some parts of West Midnapore, Purulia and Bankura was far from normal for at least the last five years. CPI(M) leaders and supporters were brutally killed and the Party could not move in many areas. The situation escalated after the landmine blast in an attempt to kill the chief minister in early November last year when he along with the then union minister of steel Ramvilas Paswan went for laying the foundation of a steel project in Salboni. Just as the state police moved in to search for the culprits, the ‘Maoists’ formed an organisation called “Peoples’ Committee to resist police atrocities”. The roads were dug up and villagers were forced to block all movement in the area. From then on, virtually a reign of terror was unleashed in the entire area. It was a ploy to expand the bases of ‘Maoists’ while the blockade continued. All government offices were virtually closed, schools ceased to function, villagers were forced to pay huge “levies’ to Maoists. CPI(M) activists were killed and many of them were forced to declare that they would leave the CPI(M). The state government exhibited great restraint considering the sensitive aspect of involvement of a section of the tribals. The chief minister publicly stated a number of times that the Left Front government would not be run by the police and it was trying to avoid bloodshed at any cost. However, the ‘Maoists’ escalated the bloodshed and almost every day CPI(M) cadres and sympathizers were killed. It was the exhibition of brutality on the part of “Peoples’ Committee” as dead bodies were left unattended and the family members were not allowed to touch them.

The complicity of TMC was evident here too. The secretary of “Peoples Committee” Chatradhar Mahato is a known Trinamool Congress activist while the president of this outfit Sidhu Soren is a squad member of the ‘Maoists’. Sashadhar Mahato, the younger brother of Chatradhar, is the zonal commander of the ‘Maoists’ and a declared absconder for many crimes. The story does not end here. On February 4, 2009, just before the elections were declared, Mamata Banerjee herself went to Lalgarh to attend a public meeting and shared the dais with Chatradhar Mahato. She declared, with grand fanfare, that the so-called Lalgarh agitation is another “Santhal Rebellion”. While no CPI(M) activists were even allowed to enter his own village in Lalgarh, Mamata Banerjee was welcomed by the ‘Maoists’. The attack against CPI(M) intensified after that meeting.

After the TMC-Congress combine won 26 seats in the recent Lok Sabha elections, murderous attacks against CPI(M) started in many parts of the state. Party offices and the houses of CPI(M) leaders were burnt in Nandigram and Khejuri in East Midnapore district. More than 25 CPI(M) activists were killed in the state post elections. In West Midnapore, ‘Maoists’ gathered forces from Jharkhand and unleashed massive attacks in villages. Of course, in some of the villages they were resisted.

After the state government finally decided to take control of the situation in a firm manner and central security forces joined in, the TMC opposed any intervention by the security forces. Mamata Banerjee even went to the extent of calling this operation as “state sponsored terrorism”. She organised and participated in a march in Kolkata on June 22 to protest against the operation by the security forces in Lalgarh. But, as political pressure mounted, the railway minister has shrugged off her relationship with Maoists and Peoples Committee.

The CPI(M) in West Bengal, on the other hand, has reiterated its conviction of fighting the Maoists politically. In fact, it is in West Bengal that the ‘Maoists’ faced a determined political force for the first time in the whole country, a force which is strong enough to challenge them and is ready for highest sacrifice, while mobilising the masses for a resistance against this murderous mayhem.

The writer is CPI(M) West Bengal state committee member.