Left Governance in Bengal: The Prize and the Price

Sakyajit Bhattacharya
Created 2008-06-15 18:14

There have been some debates and discussions about the role of the government and a communist party after the election setback in panchayat. This article tries to explore the issue, not as an isolated subject in post 2000 period, but as a continuum from the 1964 policy formulation of the CPI (M).

In this context we should not forget that protecting the Left Front government is itself part of the class struggle. Having to tackle bourgeois landlord state oppression and capitalist aggression all over the country, the party as well as the government formed by the party must play an exemplary role of an alternative social structure, because such a government could offer an alternative to the bourgeois-landlord ruling coalition at the centre, challenging the whole basis of the ruling classes' consensus on economy and policy represented by the present regime in power in the centre. It must be a pro-poor/ people's government, and hence protecting the government also means protection of the interests of the oppressed class. That has been the understanding of the party for long now.

The CPI (M) had visualised the possibility of forming governments at the state level which would be challenging the class policy of the bourgeois-landlord governments at the Centre. Here is the much discussed article 112 of the party programme in 1964:

The Party will obviously have to work out various interim slogans in order to meet the requirements of a rapidly changing political situation. Even while keeping before the people the task of dislodging the present ruling classes and establishing a new democratic state and government based on the firm alliance of the working class and peasantry, the Party will utilize all the opportunities that present themselves of bringing into existence governments pledged to carry out a modest programme of giving immediate relief to the people. The formation of such governments will give a great fillip to the revolutionary movement of the working people and thus help the process of building the democratic front. It, however, would not solve the economic and political problems of the nation in any fundamental manner. The Party, therefore, will continue to educate the mass of the people on the need for replacing the present bourgeois-landlord state and government headed by the big bourgeoisie, even while utilizing all opportunities for forming such governments of a transitional character which give immediate relief to the people and thus strengthen the mass movement. (Author’s emphasis)

The party acknowledged the government to be a transitional one and admitted that the government will not solve all fundamental economic and political problems. For that, we have to walk in the path of extra parliamentary struggle.

But the idea somewhat changed with the possibility of forming a new government in West Bengal in 1967. In 1967 the CPI (M) CC, in a report named ‘New Situations and New Tasks’ once again emphasized the possibilities and limitations of these governments. It was mentioned that:

Our ministries, without either entertaining undue illusions about giving relief in a big way, or courting despair that nothing can be done under the present set-up, should always bear in mind that they as the Party's representatives, should strive to tender our bonafides to the people. Any failure on this score compromises the Party's political line in the eyes of the people; adversely affects the independent mobilization of the people, and their activities; and all this in turn, will not help us to resist and overcome the vacillations, wobbling and sometimes even possible backsliding of some democratic parties in the UFs and their respective governments. In a word, the UF governments that we have now are to be treated and understood as instruments of struggle in the hands of our people, more than as governments that actually possess adequate power that can materially and substantially give relief to the people. In clear class terms, our Party's participation in such government is one specific form of struggle to win more and more people, and more and more allies for the proletariat and its allies in the struggle for the cause of People's Democracy and at a later stage for Socialism.
(Author’s emphasis)

Here the party formulated a twin struggle against the rightwing elements within the party who were under the illusion that relief could solve all existing political and economic problems and the ultra-left elements that utterly dismissed the idea of treading the parliamentary path.

Also, the party differed significantly from its 1964 formulation by acknowledging the role of the government as not only giving relief, but playing as an instrument of struggle in the hand of the oppressed people. So, relief, though the main and immediate task, is not the only purpose of the government. The long-term task is to further the struggle of PDR.

Now, what should be the party’s standpoint regarding a left government that emerges under its leadership? In Namboodiripad’s words:

These should, on the other hand, be seen as a stage in the process of the further intensification of the conflict between the mass of the people headed by the working class on the one hand and the ruling classes symbolized by the Congress government at the Centre on the other. There is no question of the ruling classes permitting the 'peaceful replacement' of their regime by a new popular democratic regime. The only question is the method through which the ruling classes would try to subvert the popular democratic governments. Marxist- Leninists should therefore carry on a simultaneous struggle both against the negative attitude to the struggle on the parliamentary arena as well as against the illusions of a 'smooth and peaceful' advance through the parliamentary path disseminated by right opportunism. (Chile and the Parliamentary Road to Socialism, 1973)

The insufficiency of the relief programme has always been stressed. The CPI (M) made it clear that relief can’t be a permanent solution to the existing problems, and the communists must pursue the extra-parliamentary struggle towards the goal of PDR.

But still, the party decided to join the government in 1977. The common understanding was that the government won’t last long due to the conspiracy of the bourgeois-landlord ruling class. The bitter experience of the two Namboodiripad governments in Kerala and Juktafront (United Front) was still recent. In the internal period, the task was to popularize the government as much as possible through the relief programme so that people could have an idea about an alternative system. People could have an idea of how oppression by the semi-capitalist semi-feudal state structure can be toned down by the relief activities carried by a Leftist government. It would not be the permanent solution, but a populist approach that remained a path not experimented by other bourgeois governments.

Even in the seventies, the party was not sure about forming a government and about the longevity of the government even if they were formed. Namboodiripad, in the above article, time and again drew parallels between the experience of Chile, of Allende, and his own experience in Kerala and concluded that an elected leftist government had high possibility of being bought down by the ruling class conspiracy. B.T Ranadive, in 1978, expressed his opinion that the bourgeois ruling class will never voluntarily hand over power, and if communists come into government without changing the semi feudal structure, the ruling class will positively put all its effort to topple the government (Carrillo’s “Eurocommunism and the State”, 1978). The general understanding, even after the formation of the left front government, was that the government will be short-lived, and so the party quite logically stressed on the task of providing the oppressed masses as much relief as it could with its limited power and tenure in the government. The understanding remained unchanged in the first few years of the Left Front government in West Bengal.

But the apprehensions of the communists were refuted by the people of West Bengal. The Left government remained in power for years. Each election was won with landslide margins, and the relief activities became so popular, especially in rural areas, that the opposition parties went on to become organizationally demobilized through the popular appeal of the Left Front government policies. Land redistribution programme, especially Operation Barga, and the restructuring of the Panchayat Raj, helped the government to concretise its position almost permanently in rural Bengal.

This might be looked upon as not only a story of immense success, but also a source of ideological problem. If mere relief activities can help the party stay in the government for years, then what is the need to talk of PDR, of extra-parliamentary activities? The party was now in a dilemma: it did not, for a single time, deny the necessity of PDR. But at the same time, relief proved to be a sustainable path to form an alternative system that was hoped to serve an exemplary role to the oppressed masses of the country. The party talked so much about the insufficiency of relief, about why relief or such kind of ‘transitional’ governments can’t bring the real solution-and now the relief showed to be sustainable, at least with regard to the vote bank, and the government perhaps remained no more transitional.

As a rational being, the party went on combining the path of relief with left-democratic governance within the existing set up. It acknowledged that relief was insufficient to solve the basic socioeconomic problems, and at the same time went to explore more and more the possibilities of gaining peoples’ support by left governance, even within this existing system and with limited power.

This was perhaps best described by Jyoti Basu in 1985:

The Left Front government in the state of West Bengal has limited powers. It has to operate within a capitalist federal economy. The constitution, contrary to federal principles, does not provide for the needed powers for the states and we suffer from a special disability because the union government is ill disposed towards our government. In such a situation, we have been explaining to the people why we cannot bring about fundamental changes even though the ideology and character of our government are different from those that characterize the government at the Centre. But we do hold that by forming the government through election it is possible for us to rule in a manner which is distinctly better and more democratic than the way followed by the Congress party at the centre and in many other States. It is also possible to give relief to the people, particularly the deprived section, through the minimum programme adopted by the Left Front. We have been attempting to do so by motivating the people and enlisting their support and sympathy. Our objective is to raise their political consciousness along with giving them relief so that they can distinguish between truth and falsehood and friends and enemies, and realize the alternative path which will free them from the shackles of Capitalism and Feudalism and usher in a new modern progressive society…..The left and democratic state governments can help and expedite this process even with their limited powers. It is with such a perspective and objective that we are functioning in West Bengal.
(Left Front Government’s Industrial Policy: Some Aspects, 1985)

So, there had been a fine shift from the 1964 stand. Twenty years ago a ‘modest’ relief programme was thought of which was admitted to not solve the basic problems. In 1967, the party document made the allusion of the feasibility of doing something ‘more’ than relief. In 1985, though relief was still looked upon as insufficient, it is admitted that state governments can do a considerable work in order to expedite the task of PDR. It is not only relief, but educating people so that they can identify the real danger and struggle to make a progressive society. While in 1964 the aim was to popularize the government within limited time span, the vision now widened. The relief is seen to be sustainable and the government is seen to be a powerful weapon to bolster the mass movement, even within the bourgeois-landlord structure, because now the government was not transitional anymore. Other factors were the hostile nature of the Centre and the discriminatory policies which made the government explain more and more to the people the odds against an elected left government. The common understanding prevailing was that the current set up and the bourgeois ruling class will block the activities of a left democratic government though there is much scope for development works (a significant shift from the 1964 formulation).

Time went by, a whole new neo-liberal arena opened up for the country, the one party dictatorship in the Centre went to oblivion, but still the Left Front continued its regime in West Bengal. Huge mass popularity, along with concrete organizational force and weak opposition, helped the government to continue its popular relief policy. But after 2000, the party programme aimed at something more than relief or task of PDR. It acknowledged the huge achievement of the Left Front government and admitted that an exemplary alternative social system can be formed even within the existing structure that will serve as a lighthouse to the toiling mass in the ocean of capitalistic and feudalistic repression.

The huge success story of the government made the following change in the party programme:

the Party will utilise the opportunities that present themselves of bringing into existence governments pledged to carry out a programme of providing relief to the people and strive to project and implement alternative policies within the existing limitations. The formation of such governments will strengthen the revolutionary movement of the working people and thus help the process of building the people’s democratic front. It, however, would not solve the economic and political problems of the nation in any fundamental manner. The Party, therefore, will continue to educate the mass of the people on the need for replacing the present bourgeois-landlord State and government headed by the big bourgeoisie even while utilising opportunities for forming such governments in the states or the Centre, depending on the concrete situation, and thus strengthen the mass movement. (Change is shown in Italics)

So, the party now envisioned a left democratic alternative which is more than relief, or at least projected to be.

The problem is what task this alternative government will carry on. Can it set up any alternative structure in the existing set up, or any alternative social system? Within this bourgeois landlord set up and more so in the neo liberal arena, the state governments have very limited power to go in the path of human development. What a Left Front government can do at best is to consolidate the relief programme and strengthen the mass movement. It is only relief that can be possible within this existing structure. Without an entire change in the system no alternative governance can be set up. If a Left government is there, it would then go with mere alternative ways of relief which would popularize the party more and more, but it is certainly not an alternative set up.

The problem lies here. If we talk about alternative government in the current set up, we basically recognize the sustainability of the relief programme, (might be in some alternative way). The party, in post 2000 period, is perhaps not considering relief as a transitional phase (very natural formulation, because the government is no more transitional!!). Rather, through alternative governance, the party now theorizes the possibility of remaining in the government for a long term. That might be problematic. As long as we know that relief is transitional (1964 formulation) and so is the government, it is the path of revolution, through extra parliamentary struggle, that remains with us while the scope of relief gradually decreases in this neo-liberal regime. We could then explain to people that relief can’t ultimately solve the basic problems. It is the PDR that is the only solution.

But once we formulate that the immediate task is to remain in the government and thus make an alternative government, we in fact recognize the permanency of relief. The reality that relief is bound to fail is denied. No explanation on the ultimate fruitlessness of relief is floated in the grass root, and the realization of this fruitlessness in lower level is gradually lost. This is evident even in the party documents where no mention about the transitional character and ultimate failure of such state governments in the existing set up, which would compel the mass along the path of PDR, is penned down. The realization that protecting the Left Front government is itself a day to day class struggle for the interest of PDR, not for the interest of remaining in power or mere relief, is lost in the lower strata of the party.

The idea of relief has also changed significantly. In the first half of the Left Front governance, relief was something that was related to a regime better and more democratic than the Congress rule, as apparent from Jyoti Basu’s speech. But later, the idea was transformed in providing a human solution to the suffering of the masses under the neo liberal policies. The common idea is that there is no alternative of the New Economic Policy imposed by the Centre, but the Left government can work out a human face of the big capital which will provide the toiling mass limited relief. The TINA (There Is No Alternative) mentality is now deeply connected with the idea of alternative government. Previously, the alternative seemed to be the path of PDR when the transitional relief programme failed. But since the permanence of relief is given legitimacy, now the idea is how to work out a humane solution of the neo-liberal structure, without changing it.

Therefore, when big capital sharpens its aggression, no radical alternative comes out. The government goes on with consolidating relief which proves to be insufficient in the face of neo-liberal attack. A surrendering policy then becomes dominant in the entire socio-political sector, and the TINA (There Is No Alternative) mentality becomes triumphant. Then the government has to walk down the same path of the neo-liberal industrialization dictated by big capital. The mere difference lies in making it more human, more sensitive to the peoples’ cause. But no radical policy of rejecting the path and working out for some alternative policy comes out.

It is the task of the party, not the government, to be much more cautious in directing the government to educate people in identifying the basic problems. The Communist Party, we believe, will be ultimate victorious in the struggle of poor peoples’ quest for a better society. It is the duty of the CPI (M), as the vanguard of the proletariats, to aim its directives towards PDR and to not, at any rate, deviate from this goal. The Left government led by the CPI (M) is an instrument in the hand of poor people. The party must not sacrifice this powerful character. Each election, each path of the extra parliamentary struggle is a necessary stone in the path of PDR, a class struggle. The very essence of this class struggle must not be sacrificed.

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JYOTI BASU ON 30TH ANNIVERSARY OF LEFT FRONT GOVT.

“In spite of constitutional limitations, what we could, why other state governments couldn’t?”

-JYOTI BASU

“With the installation of the LF front government in West Bengal on 21st June, 1977, a new era had started in Indian politics and in the life of the Indian people. We knew that under such social structure and constitutional limitations we cannot change every thing, we promised to give minimum relief for common man, after 30 years, I think what we have done for people is more than minimum relief, in defence of the interest of people, we implemented the alternative approach of development” Veteran Communist leader and CPI (M) Polit Bureau member Jyoti Basu has stated.

On the eve of 30th anniversary of Left Front government in West Bengal, 93 year old veteran communist leader JYOTI BASU in an exclusive interview with Prajashakti representative expressed his views and experiences, enlightened on the struggle behind the installation of LF government and its tremendous achievement during last three decades. At the same time Basu also has asserted that “within such constitutional limitation if we (Left Front in Bengal, Tripura, and Kerala) could implement various pro-people policies, why other states failed to implement such policies?”

Comrade Jyoti Basu will turn 94 on July 8, as longest serving Chief Minister and veteran communist leader Jyoti Basu stated, “I am extremely happy that LF completed 30 years in office, the people of a state gave a massive mandate in favour of a coalition led by the Marxists to run a government. The mandate was renewed again and again”.


Q. Left Front government led by CPI (M) has completed its 30 years journey in a bourgeois-democratic stratum - which is unparalleled and historic - how could this be achieved?

Basu: Actually there was a time when we thought that no LF government would survive; it is equally true that we never imagined we will continue for 30 years although the real power in parliamentary democracy rests with the Centre and with the bourgeois-landlord parties. In 1957, the First United Democratic Front Government was formed in Kerala under Comrade E M S Namboodiripad was Chief Minister. We highlight this experience in our state. In 1960s and 1970s, massive struggles were waged under the leadership of CPI(M). The movement for food, the student movement the refugee movement, the workers’ movement and the teacher’s movement followed one after another which created massive political mobilisation which was instrumental in installing United Front Government in the year 1967, though the government survived for nine months. And the second U.F Government lasted for thirteen months which came into power in 1969. Even at that time people of Bengal observed the role of our party, in spite being the largest party in the alliance, we left the CMs post for Bangla Congress. As we all know what happened in 1971, in the name of election, the Congress resorted to malpractice, it was a complete mockery of parliamentary democracy. Congress won that election by rigging, we decided to boycott assembly session as mark of protest. After that that struggle for democratic rights and freedom of civilians took an unforgettable height at in West Bengal. Freedom of expression of common citizens was snatched after the imposition of emergency on June 26, 1975. In fact, such situation prevailed continuously since the fall of the second United Front government. The older generation has seen us in the opposition; they have also seen the amount of repression we had to suffer. Our party was declared illegal after independence in 1948. Most of our leaders were jailed. After high court gave us legal status we participated in the first poll in 1952. People have witnessed the brutality with which the bourgeois party’s unleashed terror on our party members and workers but even under such repression we never surrendered before our class enemy, never compromised with the ruling class. This is our legacy. And it is this continuous struggle for people in the face of all adversity have earned us the respect and immense faith. Even after 30-years people still vote for us in every election. Slanderous campaigns were launched against us to dislodge us from power through unconstitutional means and even Election Commission joined in by holding elections in five phases but people of the State gave a fitting reply by sending back LF to power with three-fourth majority.



Q. After the installation of LF government so many pro-people programs have been implemented during this period, what were the main priority sectors and major achievements?

Basu: Only after we came to office, we gave serious concentration to implement our commitments which were mentioned in our 36-point charter of programs. After we won election in 1977, I told the people, gathered to greet us at Writers’ Building that we would not rule from Writers Building alone but also with the workers, employees, and officers and along with all section of people. We gave emphasise over Land reform programs, as I know more than 13 lakh acre land were distributed among poor and land less people. In our state about 83 percent of the agricultural land is in the possession of the poor and marginalized farmers. This program is still continuing, even this Seventh LF government distributed land to poor people, though some problem relating to court cases still remain. We also gave emphasis to agricultural development, decentralization of power through the three tier panchayat system, municipalities, ensuring women reservation in panchayat system. Voting right for all above 18 years, in municipality and panchayat. Agricultural production has increased. We also give much priority on micro and small-scale industry. Interests of poor people, agricultural labour, share-croppers are very much protected. Through series of mass movement and struggles, Left Front came to office. The Left Front is not any electoral front - people saw our role. In parliamentary democracy we have created history. I heartedly believe that whatever we committed at the time of installation of LF government we have almost fulfilled about 90 percent program. Though still now there is no denying that there are some draw backs. We have committed electrification for every village but it was not completed, though I informed that within 2012 it will be done, 7th Left Front Government has decided it. Actually we never hide anything before people, even our negative points. We ask our party comrades to listen to the criticism against us and if there is anything positive that can be done, then it has to be done, if not then the people should be told so directly - it is our tasks. Though in many cases Central government is responsible, they have created barriers over our developmental program and hampered our image.


Q. You have mentioned Bengal have faced discrimination, Please elaborate this issue?

Basu: You see from the beginning we have faced various conspiracies and discrimination. I still remember two or three incidents very well. There was an electronic project in Salt Lake area that Indira Gandhi has promised to help us with, after keeping me waiting for one year she said that her officers who had set up a committee to look in to this matter, unanimously suggested her not to go with this project - no investment should be made in West Bengal, because it is a border state, ridiculous! I asked them what is the problem, if it is a security related problem then it will be more serious in North-Eastern states, but she told, ‘I cannot do anything, our Officers are not ready to give you permission! But later without any help of Central government we build up this electronic complex on 300 acres land, now about 25-30 thousands youth work there. The other case is of Haldia Petrochemicals Complex, a project worth over Rs.5, 000 crores, but I had to wait for 11 years to get permission from the Central government, though now more than 70,000 people are employed in the downstream industries.



Q. how do you see the opposition’s role in the developmental program of Bengal?

Basu: Several times I told that in parliamentary democracy role of opposition is very important whether big or small. But it should be a responsible opposition. Oppositions parties have the right to oppose Government program but in a responsible manner, when we take pro-people program there is no reason why they will not extend a co-operative hand.

Bengal is now largest producer of rice and second largest producer of potato in country. Through land reform program we distributed lands to poor people. This program is still continuing. Now for the interest of unemployed youth, Government is emphasizing on industrialisation. It is the necessity for our state. There was a time when WB held a prestigious position among other states in country. But due to politically motivated licensing system and policy of freight equalization by the successive Congress governments, the state had to suffer a lot and acute industrial stagnation was developed. But after removal of these regulations, discrimination, I delivered one speech over our industrial policy in assembly, though congress legislator also marked their opposition against this policy. Some confusion was created after placing this report, actually here I mentioned that for the industrial growth we also needed foriegn investment, but it should be based on mutual interest protecting the legitimate interest of our workers. However, the opposition created chaos over LF government’s every developmental programme. Even when I was the Chief Minister, we appealed to the opposition to be a part of the all-party delegation to meet Prime Minster Rajiv Gandhi, they never did, Mamata Banerjee and Ajit Panja refused to be a part of the delegation. Mamata told ‘we can’t go with you before Rajib Gandhi”.

When our Government was bringing developmental projects for our state they created problem. Even, few months ago TMC legislator ransacked assembly house, destroyed many costly furniture, government assets. Is this a responsible attitude, I was informed that Assembly Speaker decided to stop their salary, though now, they have been resumed. What I am trying to say is that earlier opposition party played responsible, constructive role, people of Bengal have seen our role as a responsible opposition. We never created problem over developmental program for our state or the interest of people- even when Congress CM Bidhan Roy took initiative for Durgapore steel plant, Kalyani township we support those projects.


Q. So, on coming 21st June LF government will complete its 30 year long journey - as Veteran leader of country’s communist movement what are your feelings?

Basu: I am extremely happy, our government now reached in its 31 year. It is a historic moment before parliamentary democracy. Actually during these long periods what we implemented in West Bengal, Tripura and Kerala, has to be campaigned countrywide. People across the country have to know what type of alternative programs we implemented in these state. Within such constitutional limitations and social structure what we have done, why other state couldn’t do this? This question has to be raised.


Though we are very strong in three states along with some of the other state but our party is not strong in many states. Not only the party organisation, but we have to strengthen our mass organization as well. Without strengthening mass organisation’s, we cannot build up a strong party all over the country.

I believe that under such bourgeois structure, we should take whatever little advantage from that system. Our aim is to build a class-less, non-exploiting society, for which we have to continue our fight.

Though I don’t know how long it will take time.

EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW OF JYOTI BASU BEFORE PANCHAYET ELECTION 2008

Bengal Panchayet is model before country. Conspiracies being hatched against us, but I confident people never voted for any opportunist combine, we will again win: JYOTI BASU

Kolkata: ‘The three tier panchayet system in Bengal became a model for all states’. Just five days ago of panchayet poll in an exclusive talk with Sudipta Basu, Kolkata Correspondent of Prajashakti, Veteran Communist leader Jyoti Basu in such way has expressed his view. Basu also has pointed out the importance of this upcoming panchayet election told that “now all extremist right and extremist left forces merged together against us. They have no any programs, political ethics, and morality. I have confidence upon people of Bengal that they will never vote to this opportunist combine. For another time Left Front will win in this election. It is so needed before country’s left democratic and progressive movement.

Mentionable that on 11th, 14th and 18th may, the 7th three tier panchayet election will be staged in rural Bengal in 17 districts. Already poll campaign is in full swing. The attacks on CPI (M) activists are also getting momentum. On this situation Left Patriarch Jyoti Basu has shared his experiences and views with Prajashakti reporter today morning at his residence Indira Bhaban, saltlake.

Here Basu has clearly stated it is fact that, before 1978, during congress regime now programs or projects were implemented by panchayet. It was paralyzed system in that time. Even panchayet election was rare. But after installation of Left front Government in 1997, we held first panchayet election in 78. Till now, panchayet elections staged by five year regular interval. This is also a history. Panchayet system is now turned as local government. Soon after coming to office, The Left Front Government reorganized the institutions of local government into a three-tier system of democratically elected bodies. This comprised Gram panchayets at the local level, panchayet samities at the block level, and Zilla parishads at the district level. Even 5o percent of budget allotted through panchayet and municipal bodies. That’s why I always told that our panchayet system is model before rest states in country.

Jyoti Basu asserted that, even former Prime Minister Rajib Gandhi also admitted it. When he was Prime Minister came here in West Bengal to participate in one eastern region conference. Then He openly stated that ‘The best panchayet model working in Bengal. I also told him that why you didn’t start this program in other states. Hoever The late Prime Minister Rajib Gandhi had advised the whole country to follow the west Bengal panchayet-system as role model. But unfortunately due to lack of political will this system had not been taken up in all states properly, including some congress rullled state till now. Even few days ago I also heard that his wife Sonia Gandhi passed some statement against us, but she didn’t know about West Bengal’s condition loudly.

People have witnessed the brutality with which the bourgeois party’s unleashed terror on our party members and workers during 0-70’s but even under such repression we never surrendered before our class enemy, never compromised with the ruling class. Basu continued. ‘This is our legacy. And it is this continuous struggle for people in the face of all adversity have earned us the respect and immense faith. Even after 30-years people still vote for us in every election. Slanderous campaigns were launched against us to dislodge us from power through unconstitutional means. After series of struggle when we came in office in 77, I told that ‘we would not rule from Writers Building alone but also with the workers, employees, and officers and along with all section of people. Though Panchayet act was prevailed during congress regime, but it never implemented in reality. We have taken initiative to adopt when 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments.

Basu has also asserted that, for the first time we introduce seat reservation in panchayet for Sechedule cast, Schedule tribe and for women to ensuring the participation of weaker section of society. Voting rights for 18 years also then enacted. Though unfortunately then congress went court against this decision. Congress leader Ajit panja, now he in TMC, then also filed suit against us in court. Though it was rejected. So, now this generation should have to know what the role of Congress was, I don’t understand why still they seeking votes before people of west Bengal. And now Congress also divided, TMC formed and they also are very indisplcnied.they have no any political program, outlooks, honesty. Still now no one knows their principle. And these extreme rightist parties now merged with extreme lefts, even self claimed left party SUCI also shared their hands with them. It is total an opportunist combine. People of Bengal have huge experience. I believe that they never voted in favour of such opportunist combine in this panchayet election.

Jyoti Basu also expressed his happiness, told that ‘at first we have doubt that though we introduce seat reservation for women, is it possible to find women every where for contesting? But now I saw not women members are really doing very good job in panchayet, many women are became panchayet pradhan, Jilla Sabhdipati. And their performance is very good. I just heard that now total 7 lakh 50 thousand SHGs are working across the state where more than 70 lkah women are involved. Most of them are working in rural Bengal, in panchayet area. This is very good development. Empowerment of women is required for our long program.

Basu also has told, panchayet election is in door. We have distributed lands to poor people. We gave emphasize over Land reform programs, as I know more than 13 lakh acre land were distributed among poor and land less people. In our state about 83 percent of the agricultural land is in the possession of the poor and marginalized farmers. Though in that time Congress opposed this move. This program is still continuing, even this Seventh LF government distributed land to poor people, though some problem relating to court cases still remain. We have marked huge achievement in agriculture. Production of all types of food grains has been increased in many folds. West Bengal is in the 1st position of the list of rate of increase of production of agricultural produce. However now our Government is moving towards industrialization on basis of this success. Thousands of unemployed will be benefited by this. We are in first in agriculture, now e want to be first also in industry.

Other hand Basu has strongly criticized oppositions role saying that, Several times I told that in parliamentary democracy role of opposition is very important whether big or small. But it should be a responsible opposition. Oppositions parties have the right to oppose Government program but in a responsible manner, when we take pro-people program there is no reason why they will not extend a co-operative hand. Now I heard that all of them are merged. Even some armed criminals (Maoists) also merged with them and killed every day our party cadres. It is not fair. Deep conspiracies hatched against us to weak us. Even I just heard from our party leaders, that again they all together created chaos in Nandigram. Just one day ago they also killed our one party comrade in purulia. But I told our leadership that, in Nandigram now we have to maintain our patience, we have to keep more alert. Out first task is to ensure proper atmosphere to inspire people for peaceful and fair election. Though I have information that opposition are very much active to disturb gain in Nandigram.

On that other hand Basu also expressed concern, saying that ‘it is unfortunate that still some problems remain in Left front. In some places other LF constituents fight against our candidate. Though in last time panchayet election RSP, AIFB also contested against us in some seats. But this time this trend is less. In this political situation I again appeal to all of LF constituents to fight unitedly against our enemy’s. Because it is need to strengthen Left movement in country now.

After concluding this discussion, Basu also has made appeal, “this panchayet election is very much important, we must keep alter, conspiracies born every day against us. But I believe that People through their long experiences will take proper stand. They never supported any opportunist force. Left Front will make good result again in this panchayet election. Let see what happen. But I always believe that it is man and man alone who creates history. Despite many crest and thrust people will finally emerge victorious and go in freedom in a classless society free from exploitation of any form.

Left Front Government In West Bengal

By Jyoti Basu

(Published in

People’s Democracy,

April 03, 2005)

ON the occasion of the 18th Party Congress of the CPI (M), I would like to highlight some of the important activities of the Left Front government in West Bengal.

Let us have a look at the past. The Congress party ruled West Bengal for 27 years. Our Party and some other Left and democratic parties were in opposition. Before 1952, the Communist Party had only two representatives in the West Bengal legislative assembly. Gradually, the strength of our Party grew as the communist movement gained momentum. We stood by the people when they agitated against the government on several issues. The Communist Party championed the rights of peasants, workers, employees of government and non-government sectors, women, students, teachers, refugees from the erstwhile East Pakistan, SC, ST and other economically backward people, the poor and the oppressed.

The Congress government pursued anti-people policies and resorted to lathicharge and firing to suppress mass movements. The political opponents of the Congress government were subjected to oppression in various ways. Time and again, we suffered imprisonment without trial.

The conscious people of West Bengal appreciated the role of the Communist Party in strengthening democratic movements.

After the split of the former party, the CPI (M) addressed itself to the task of intensifying mass movements. In 1967 and 1969, the Congress party was defeated in state assembly elections and two United Front governments with the CPI (M) as the major partner were formed. In those two elections, our Party won the largest number of seats among non-Congress parties, yet we conceded the post of chief minister to the Bangla Congress leader, Ajoy Mukherjee. But those two UF governments could not function for more than 22 months because of internal dissensions and conspiracies hatched against them by some reactionary political forces and vested interests. In the elections to the state assembly in 1971, the CPI (M) became the single largest party. 

In 1972, the Congress party formed the government in West Bengal through the rigged elections to the state assembly. After the elections, West Bengal passed through a dark phase of its history. Democratic

rights of the people were severely curtailed and anarchy prevailed in all vital sectors of activity. Thousands of our comrades and supporters were injured and killed. Many others were put in jail without trial or on concocted charges. Our supporters and workers were evicted from their houses and driven out of their areas. Our offices were ransacked and destroyed. In fact, a one-party semi-fascist regime was forced on the people of West Bengal. In 1975, Indira Gandhi declared a state of Emergency in India. During that period the agony of the people became intense.

The significant change in the political scenario came with the defeat of the Congress party in the Lok Sabha elections in 1977. Subsequently, the elections to the West Bengal assembly were held. The unity among most of the Left parties became a reality. The CPI, however, joined the Left Front later.

In the state assembly elections in 1977, the Left Front won a massive victory and the Congress party was routed. The first Left Front government was formed on June 21, 1977. After taking the oath of office as chief minister, I said that our government would not be run from the Writers’ Buildings alone; it would maintain a close touch with the representative organisations of the people. We laid emphasis on alleviating the hardship of the people by implementing public welfare schemes and programmes. We asserted that better governance and adequate relief would be provided to the people. Our government took prompt steps to ensure democratic rights and civil liberty to all sections of the community.

Since 1977 the Left Front government has been elected for six consecutive terms and has been endeavouring earnestly to accelerate the pace of development in West Bengal. Through the implementation of land reform measures and the introduction of the three-tier Panchayati Raj system the Left Front government has been able to achieve a major breakthrough in agriculture and allied sectors. West Bengal has created a new record in the vesting and distribution of surplus land. So far 15 lakh bargadars (sharecroppers) have been recorded. The rights of agricultural workers have been ensured. The administration has been decentralised down to the village level. Till March, 2004, the production of foodgrains reached 159.54 lakh tonnes from 89.77 lakh tonnes in 1977. The significant rise in the agricultural production and the growing purchasing power of the people living in villages indicate the progress of West Bengal in the rural sector. The requisite social base has been created for the rapid industrialisation of the state.

In the 1970s and 1980s, the state’s industrial sector had been plagued by serious difficulties because of the central government’s licensing policy and the freight equalisation scheme for coal, iron and steel. We strongly protested against those two polices. The government of India ultimately made policy changes on those two issues under both external and internal pressures. In September 1994, the state government issued a statement reiterating its industrial policy. The statement emphasised, “we are all for new technology and investment in selective spheres where they help our economy and which are of mutual interest. The goal of self-reliance, however, is as needed today as earlier. We have the state sector, the private sector and also the joint sector. All these have a role to play”.

After the reiteration, the industrial investment in the state started increasing. Haldia Petrochemicals Ltd. (HPL) was commissioned in April 2000. It may be recalled that the state government had to wait for 11 years to obtain the letter of intent from the government of India. HPL and its downstream industries have been effectively functioning for the last five years. At present, the number of downstream units of Haldia is 684. These units employ about 31,770 persons. Mitsubishi Chemical Corporation PTA Plant at Haldia and other important industrial units have been operating with considerable success. It is worth mentioning that iron and steel, chemicals, leather and cement industries have been growing steadily in West Bengal. The recent spurt of industrial investment has raised new hopes among our people. I am sure that more modern industries will be set up in the state in the near future.

West Bengal has been making steady progress in sectors such as cottage and small-scale industries, fisheries, social forestry, education and culture. The percentage of literacy in the state increased from 57.70 in 1991 to 69.22 in 2001. New schools, colleges and universities have been set up. The West Bengal National University of Juridical Sciences and the West Bengal University of Technology are recent additions to the field of higher education in the state. The number of engineering colleges in West Bengal has now increased to 52 from 10 in 1997. The state government run hospitals cater to the healthcare needs of more than 70 per cent of patients.

Steps are being taken to develop the infrastructure sector. Power situation in the state is now comfortable with the addition of installed capacity. So far as the rural electrification is concerned, the state government intends to bring all villages under electrification by 2006-2007. A number of bridges and flyovers have been built in the state. Efforts are going on to strengthen and expand the road network. New townships are coming up while facilities in the social sector are being augmented.

The construction of flyovers in Kolkata with Japanese cooperation in some of these projects, and the provision of other amenities has brought about a distinct improvement in the metropolis. Many other urban areas are also being provided with new facilities.

In West Bengal, the percentage of people living below the poverty line has now come down to 26 from 52 in 1978. Unemployment, which is very acute all over the country, is also a matter of major concern for us in West Bengal. For several years the Left Front government, despite its constraints, has been trying to tackle this problem by encouraging self-employment schemes and facilitating activities in the labour intensive medium and small-scale industries.

The sixth Left Front government has been placing emphasis on the rapid growth of information technology. At present, 210 IT units operate and employ about 24,000 IT professionals in the state. Many leading foreign and domestic companies such as IBM, Computer Associates, Wipro, TCS, Cognizant Technology and PWC have set up units in the state. The new town in Kolkata will be next IT hub after Bidhannagar (Salt Lake).

The expansion of the agri-business sector is a significant development. Five Agri Export Zones for five important crops have been set up. New food processing units are being established. Appropriate infrastructure is being developed.

It is a matter of comfort that some misgivings about the state government in certain quarters are being dispelled. So there are distinct possibilities of opening up further avenues of development. The state government is conscious that there is no room for complacence. It is constantly engaged in identifying its weakness and adopting corrective measures.

The people’s verdict went overwhelmingly in favour of the Left Front candidates in the successive elections to the urban local bodies and panchayats in the state. In the Lok Sabha elections, too, the front performed creditably in West Bengal.

West Bengal has been maintaining political stability and peace for the last 27 years. The democratic-minded people of the state with their strong commitment to national integration are determined to preserve communal harmony. I am confident that the Left Front government will continue to act according to its well-defined objectives and priorities.

Thirty Years Ago

Jyoti Basu,


first Chief Minister of
Left Front Government in West Bengal,




in a message broadcast from the Calcutta
Station of All India Radio, on June 22, 1977,
stressed the need for “the people’s
co-operation in abundance in order

to fulfil the tasks” of the new
governemnt.

(Excerpts from the Message)

After the last Lok Sabha election, the vast majority of the people
of this state have given their unmistakable
and historic verdict in the state assembly election.
In this election, you have given a fitting reply to the terror,
repression, corruption and bankrupt economic policies pursued
for the last seven years. You have also rejected
the divisive forces. An overwhelming majority of the people of
West Bengal have indicated their choice for
the programmes of the Left Front and given expression to
their desire for a left government in this state. The
Left Front Government has commenced its journey with
enormous support and goodwill of the people of the
state. The people have successfully fought back the conspiracies
and attacks designed to obliterate the left forces.
The erstwhile ruling party and government had subverted
parliamentary democracy in 1972 through massive
rigging operations. You have won back the right to vote in
freedom after a long and arduous struggle. This
time, you have voted in freedom and we are proud that
you have elected us by an overwhelming majority of
the seats. Hundreds of our compatriots laid down their lives
in the state during the last seven years in the cause of
democratic rights and struggles of the toiling masses; they
had been victims of the terror launched by the thengovernment
and ruling party. We remember them all in this hour of victory,
and pay our respects to their sacred
memory. We pledge to fight for the cause for which they made
the supreme sacrifice. We are conscious that the people of
West Bengal have shown great political maturity in voting for a left
government and they expect a change in the interest of the people
and our state. We shall strive to the best of
our ability to be worthy of the trust and confidence reposed in us.
In the past few years, there had been massive attacks on the
freedoms and rights of the people of the state
and plans were afoot to take them away altogether.

I want to assure you on behalf of the Left Front Government
that we shall give due priority to the task of restoring and
protecting these freedoms and rights. Following a
decision taken at the first meeting of our cabinet, we have
declared a general amnesty for all political prisoners,
detained without trial, under trial or convicted. The new
situation in India demands that an opportunity be
given to all political forces to operate in freedom and seek
the judegment of the people.” The common people of our
state face grave problems in meeting the basic needs of life.
Problems have accumulated over the years in all spheres --- food,
clothing, housing, transport, power, education, health and
even with regard to drinking water facilities. The economy of the
state is in a moribund condition and the
people’s suffering knows no bounds. Massive unemployment,
closed factories, retrenchments, absence of
investment, power shortage ---- all these problems have assumed
frightful proportions. The condition of the
countryside beggars description. We shall make serious and
sincere efforts to tackle these problems.

The state governments in India have to function amidst severe
political, constitutional and financial
constraints. We will seek to do our best to provide relief and to
advance the cause of the state even within
these limitations. Our tasks are arduous, but given your support
and goodwill, I believe, we shall be able to
take these in hand and achieve success. We shall surely overcome
all obstacles with the co-operation of the
masses. The Left Front Government shall not be guided by a bureaucratic
outlook. We shall try to move with the
active cooperation of the common people and their organizations.
This government will not put down
democratic movements through repressive measures, but
will help them advance. It is the sincere desire of
the Left Front Government that new horizons will open up
with regard to the movements of the democratic
masses . In this connection, it is necessary to put in a word or
two on the role of the police. We shall not allow the
police to be used to suppress democratic movements,
nor shall we allow the police to launch terror and repression
on the common people. However, the police will have to be
firm in protecting the interests of the people and
bringing criminals and anti-socials to book. None will
interfere with the police in the performance of this task.
If the reactionary and vested interests seek to create chaos
and disorder, and the enemies of the left forces and
the people conspire to create difficulties for this government,
they will be put down with a firm hand.

The government and the ruling party of the days past had
misguided and corrupted a section of our youth
and turned them into anti-socials to serve their partisan ends.
We shall appeal to these young men to put their
past behind them and take up normal healthy and useful
roles in society. All political parties and organisations
must help our youth to pursue a healthy role.

We want to build up friendly relations with the central
government, though we reserve the right to oppose
any measure of the centre which may go against the
interest of the masses. I hope the central government will
cooperate with the West Bengal government in a friendly
spirit although ours is a government of the left. I
also hope the Centre will go by the norms of a federal
democratic set up.

Let me tell you that this government is your own.
You have installed it in office, and it is for you to give it
necessary direction and guidance through your democratic
organizations. We shall do our best to serve the
interests of the people in the political, economic and
social spheres and to protect their living standards. We
will offer you relief from the disastrous consequences of
the misrule of the previous government. We shall
spare no efforts to move forward to a new future basing
ourselves on our past successes and failures. We are
aware that for future developments all over India, the left
and democratic forces throughout the country wish
us well.

Once again I wish to state that we require the people’s
cooperation in abundance in order to fulfil the tasks
ahead.

Thank You.