Showing posts with label NIRUPAM SEN. Show all posts
Showing posts with label NIRUPAM SEN. Show all posts

Wednesday, March 9, 2011

Industrial Development in West Bengal: Achievements and Constraints

By Nirupam Sen

THE contemporary reality in West Bengal is that a strange combine of the right reactionary forces and their cohorts, abetted by a section of the media and the degenerated ultra left, are striving to gain ground. Apart from violent physical attacks, these forces have waged a slanderous campaign against the Left Front. However, the slander is not that unique. The pattern and content have undergone some changes.

One of the major campaigns against the Left Front government is that it had failed to develop industries in the state. Integral to this campaign was that the Left Front itself engineered violent trade union movement generating industrial unrest and situation uncongenial to industrial progress. In more recent period, resistance to industries with various excuses has been witnessed. This is understandable because the policies pursued by the Left Front government have earned the confidence of the investors and an ambience of rapid industrial development has been created in the state. The chambers of commerce and industries, big industrial houses, foreign and domestic investors and even the die-hard critics of the Left have been appreciating the role of the state government and its policy framework.

It needs to be mentioned that the process of industrial development of West Bengal has its own history. From the colonial days to the period prior to the country’s independence, the state occupied a pre-eminent position in the manufacturing, iron & steel, textile, jute, tea and other sectors. Its growth in the cottage & small scale sector was equally impressive in first decades in the post independence period. However, the development process had to face many problems in the years that followed for a variety of reasons. Among them the policies of the successive central governments like freight equalisation and manifest bias through licensing system were crucial. These, along with lack of policies of the then Congress government in the state, led to the sluggish industrial growth. The socio-political unrest from the 60s also negatively impacted on the investment climate of the state as well as engineered the flight of capital to other regions. The negative perception that had developed among the industrialists also hindered the process of the state’s industrial development. It also needs to be recognised that the western part of Bengal had to bear the brunt of the partition which had a telling effect on its economy. Besides, the benefits of scientific inventions and technological innovations in the post Second World War phase hardly found their place in the National Industrial Policy framework. India’s lack of access to the benefits of scientific and technological revolution, compounded by uneven competition, had regressive effect on the Indian industries. Just before the Left Front was elected to office, the industrial scenario of the state was dismal. The Left Front had to start afresh. While discussing West Bengal’s industrial development, one has to keep in mind this historical perspective.

NEP: CHALLENGES BEFORE THE STATE
In the present phase of economic development, India has emerged as one of the principal proponents of market economy. It remains a fact that Liberalisation, Privatisation and Globalisation (LPG) that have propelled the neo liberal economic order seeking to integrate the economies around the world have virtually excluded nations and peoples across the globe from the trajectory of development, deepened inequality among nations, created imbalances among the countries and regions.

Against this vast canvas of inequality and deprivation and the present Constitutional arrangement in a federal structure, the state government has to articulate its policy of industrialisation to meet the rising expectations of the people as well to ensure state’s overall development on a sustainable basis .

With the introduction of New Economic Policy (NEP) by the central government, a new phase of economic activities has set in. The Left Front government of West Bengal had to put in place situation-specific policy framework to face the emerging challenges. The Policy Resolution on Industry announced by the state government in 1994 thus gave new direction to the industrial development of the state. This Policy Resolution is basically a resolve to accelerate the state’s industrial development relying on its intrinsic strengths and competitive advantages. It also sought to attract private investment in different sectors of the economy to the benefit of the state. The state’s strategic geographical location, developed industrial base, strong agrarian economy, huge market, educated middle class, rapid urban growth, skilled human resources, social stability, enabling policies, responsible workers’ organisations and political continuity started attracting investors to the state. And eventually it has emerged as one of the leading investment destination of the country.


INTRINSIC STRENGTH
The policies (Bio Technology policy, IT Policy, ITeS Policy, Mines & Mineral Policy, Public Private Partnership Policy, Housing Policy, Tourism Policy, Export Policy and Incentive Policy, 2008) put in place by the state government, have been so tailored as to respond to the market demand but without compromising the basic interests of the people. Between 1990-1991 and 2000-2001 West Bengal was the second fastest growing state, only slightly behind Karnataka. The compound annual rate of GSDP was a high 6.8 per cent. The main drivers of the state’s strong performance were agriculture (5.2 per cent) and services (9.3 per cent). Growth in agricultural sector in West Bengal was double that of the national average. The land reform measures initiated by the government contributed enormously to the unleashing of the potentials for rapid agricultural growth, which has virtually acted as the prime basis of industrial growth. The change in the rural power structure through Panchayat Raj gave further impetus to the growth of rural economy. It is necessary to note that in our state almost 83 per cent of agricultural land is owned by small and marginal farmers. We have also laid emphasis on the development of allied sectors like Fisheries, Animal Husbandry, and Poultry etc.

Our focus on the micro, small and cottage industries is equally emphatic because they play a major role in the economic development of our state. As per National Sample Survey (62nd Round) there are 27 lakh SME units in the state providing employment to 55 lakh people. The rural artisans and traditional handicraft workers and their families for over the centuries have been sustaining the rural economy through their multifarious economic activities. Their welfare and economic development is, therefore, our main concern.

It is also important to mention that the wide coverage of the peasants’ families in the education network of the state has come to their benefit. We have, therefore, to think in terms of their aspirations who do not want to confine themselves in the agricultural sector only. This is where industrial development of the state, essentially characterised by its agrarian nature, assumes importance.

IMPACT OF STATE GOVT INITIATIVES
It remains a fact that during last several years there has been substantial progress in the investment scenario of the state. In the sectors like Iron & Steel, Food Processing, Information Technology, Hospitality and Tourism, the investments are noteworthy. Table 1 shows the Sector wise Projects implemented in West Bengal through 2009.

Table 1
Sector wise projects implemented in West Bengal in 2009
Sl. No.
Sector
Investment (in Rs. Crore)
1.
Drugs Chemicals, Petrochemicals & Allied
579.33
2.
Iron & Steel
474.49
3.
Agro Based & Food Processing
579.33
4.
Engineering
625.25
5.
Electrical & Electronics
72.78
6.
Jute & Textiles
37.87
7.
IT & ITes
311.34
8.
Others
427.45


Table 2 shows the number of projects implemented from 2001-2009. It will appear from the Table that since 2001 there has been steady rise in the investment figures barring the solitary exception in 2008 only. The major reason was global meltdown and economic downturn.

Table 2
Industrial Projects implemented
Year
No. of Units
Investment (in Rs. Crore)
2001
86
2194.54
2002
113
2325.95
2003
137
2335.19
2004
196
2243.80
2005
227
2515.58
2006
221
3436.15
2007
291
5072.82
2008
217
4434.50
2009
262
8493.43


As has been stated earlier, Small, Micro and Cottage Industries Sector plays a significant role in the economy of the state. West Bengal along with Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Tamilnadu, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka account for 55 per cent of the total number of Micro and Small Enterprises (MSEs) of the country. MSE Sector contributes to 8 per cent of the country’s GDP, 45 per cent of manufactured output and 40 per cent of exports. The basic problems that the sector is facing today are low technology level, absence of skilled manpower, inadequate access to the bank credit and lack of access to capital, besides uneven competition in the global market. While pursuing the inclusive development strategy for sustainable development of this sector, the Left Front government has taken a number of initiatives to address the problems. These include Entrepreneur Development Programmes (EDP) and Skill Development initiatives, West Bengal Incentive Scheme, 2007 for MSEs, credit facilities through sustained coordination with the Banks and other Financial Institutions. Cluster Development Programme has also been adopted to support this sector continually and ensure its growth. Improvement of technology, skills, quality, market access, and other technologically advanced support system are the integral components of this programme. As consequence of these policy measures, the net Bank credit for the MSE Sector has risen to Rs 16,93,437 crore in 2009 compared to Rs 3,16,427 crore in 2000. The growth thus registered over the last nine years has reached 535 per cent.

SINGUR-NANDIGRAM: CANARD AGAINST LF
While making choice for locating their Industrial units, the investors take into consideration their long term business perspective and profit maximisation. Tata Motors Limited’s choice of Singur is a case in point. Tata Motors Limited (TML) had initially decided to locate the factory of their small car project (Nano) in the district of Pashim Medinipur, but subsequently they had changed their decision and opted for Singur, Hooghly. The state government had also taken into consideration long term interests of the state in the background of rapidly growing automobile sector all over the world. It is important to note that Indian automobile industry, which is rated as one of the significant contributors to India’s economic development, witnessed a growth of 19.35 per cent from April to July 2006, and the market trend also indicated that the sector was poised to register further growth. After the Hindustan Motors factory was set up at Hind Motor in the state long back, the state had received no significant investment proposal in the automobile sector. Therefore, the state government had taken full advantage of the unfolding opportunities and decided to go extra miles to persuade TML to set up their factory at Singur instead of in Himachal Pradesh they were already toying with because they were assured by the Himachal Pradesh government of a good incentive package.

A bogey of criticism was raised against the state government that the interests of the farmers have been compromised by the state government, to the benefit of the TML. Those who had waged this slanderous propaganda campaign against the Left Front and were instrumental in ensuring the flight of TML’s project from Singur to Gujarat were fully aware that for the first time in the history of the country, farmers’ lands were being acquired for setting up the TML’s small car project at the prevailing market price and a comprehensive rehabilitation package was tailored at the instance of the state government with an inclusive approach. This rehabilitation package not only envisaged income generation for the land losers on a sustainable basis but also the skill development of the land losers and their dependents in different trades/ disciplines like catering, tailoring, masonry, software training, gardening, horticulture, poultry, apparel making, driving, hairdressing, beauty therapy, hospitality, electrical hardware maintenance and motor mechanics etc. The process of imparting training on the trades/disciplines and also catering activities had started even before the TML’s small car project finally took off. The entire Singur region was buzzing with economic activities, which, the people had never witnessed before. Training was imparted to over 300 young boys in trades like machinist, welding, two and three wheeler automobile repairing, house wiring and electrical gadget repairing as a step towards strengthening the state’s initiative for ensuring alternative means of livelihood to the land losers and their families. For the first time in the country, not only the land holders, but also sharecroppers and agricultural workers dependent on those lands were given compensation and the rehabilitation benefits.

So far as implementation of the New Kolkata International, Development (NKID) project in the district of Purba Midnapore is concerned, the original project envisaged development of infrastructure, irrigation facilities, setting up of new industrial units in the Micro and Small Scale Sector as a step towards setting up of Petroleum and Petro Chemical Hub in accordance with the policy announced by the Government of India. The implementation of the project covered land in different mouzas under Nandigram. But even before spadework for the project had been completed, hue and cry was raised that the Left Front government was out to rob the farmers of their fertile agricultural land for industrial use. The ferocity and virulence of the anti-Left campaign spread far and wide. Violent agitation took ugly turns, culminating into unfortunate incidents. It was evident later that it was not a question of land, the entire agitation was politically motivated.

In both Nandigram and Singur, we lost an opportunity to bring about qualitative change in the life of the people of the areas and also to strengthen the state’s industrial base. But, we have to go ahead with our industrial development process learning from our mistakes and shortcomings.

INFRASTRUCTURE: LAND QUESTION
With sharp increase in the investment proposals, the state is faced with new realities. On the one hand, demand for land for industrial use has been growing rapidly. On the other hand, the urgency for development of existing infrastructure has become more pronounced. In both the cases, land remains the most critical factor. In a land critical state like ours, it is extremely difficult to meet the current demand. The state has only 2.7 per cent of the total land area in the country with more than 8 per cent of the Indian population. Out of the total land area in the state, 61.9 per cent is agricultural land, 13.5 per cent is forest land, 5.0 per cent is fallow or uncultivated land and 19.6 per cent are urban areas. In spite of such land criticality, development of infrastructure in the state has been identified as the basic priority because it is prerequisite to faster industrial growth. West Bengal has to catch up with the rest of the country in terms of developed infrastructure – physical and social – and has to make good the deficiencies of the past. It goes without saying that investors’ choice of place for investment basically hinges on certain key factors like availability of skilled labour, abundance of raw materials, cheap water and power connections, stable social environment, transport and telecommunication facilities, proximity to market etc. These are the crucial factors for the investors to determine the location of their units. Again, the ‘contentious’ issue of proper usage of land comes to the fore. The quantity of land is determined on the size of the proposed unit or infrastructure development of the region. This apart, which region is suitable for a proposed industry is another factor, which determines the choice of a location. It is, therefore, imperative to strike a balance between the scarcity of land and the increasing demand for land for setting up of industrial units. The state government has been more cautious and took measures to ensure that no unnecessary conflict emerges in case of land acquisition. Project-specific compensation and rehabilitation packages have drawn meticulously and fertile lands are being spared as far as possible. In fact, in last two years more than 6000 acres of land have been provided without any conflict and in a smooth manner. Singur or Nandigram were exceptions, not the main trend.

NEW POLICY MEASURES
Since it is the declared policy of the state government to act as facilitator to the process of faster industrial development of the state, it needs to create enabling situation to encourage industries to make investment in the state. To minimise usage of agricultural land for industrial use and to achieve a balanced and sustainable industrial growth, a policy framework has been worked out which is directed towards locating new industries in a manner so as to maximise use of uncultivable land, locating industries in the less developed and backward areas of the state, developing industrial clusters thereby using common infrastructure and optimising available resources. Detailed field survey on the land vested to the state, available as per records, has been made. Assessment of its viability for industrial use keeping in view its size, location, contiguity and availability of infrastructure has also been done. The question of using the land locked in closed and sick industries, keeping in view the legal aspects and other intricate problems related thereto, has also been considered. Moreover, in order to ensure more balanced and sustainable industrial growth in the state and maximize use of uncultivable land in the state, it has been divided into six industrial growth poles. Factors such as availability of non-agricultural land, tradition of industrial growth and availability of good infrastructure have been taken into account while making this categorisation. This will lead to optimal use of the existing industrial infrastructure, and upgradation of infrastructure where required, and facilitate or create new industrial infrastructure for projects in backward areas. The state government’s decision to develop focal areas of industry such as (i) Haldia (ii) Asansol-Durgapur and contiguous areas of Bankura and Purulia across the Damador River (iii) Greater Kolkata which include parts of North & South 24 Parganas along with Howrah and Hooghly (iv) Kharagpur-Jhargram (v) Siliguri- Jalpaiguri and (vi) Kalyani is also a step towards addressing the issue of rapid industrial development without compromising the unhindered growth in the agricultural and allied growth.

PROTECTION OF FARMERS’ INTEREST
While stepping up the progress of industrial development of the state, we have to protect the interests of the peasantry. We have to take cautious and planned approach on the rational use of land taking into account the ground realities. Use of fertile agricultural land for industrial use should be avoided. We have also to ensure payment of maximum possible compensation for the sacrifices the farmers make in terms of sparing their land for setting up of industrial units / infrastructure development besides creating opportunities for their alternative livelihood on a sustainable basis. Their participation in the whole development process has also to be ensured. We have to make them really feel that they are not alien to the development process but a part of it. Again, we have to ensure that the people affected due to the industrial development programmes are properly rehabilitated. We have already put in place necessary policy measures in this regard which are being followed all over the state. Self Help Groups (SHGs) are being formed on a massive scale and the group members are being trained in different disciplines for enhancing their employability. Setting up of Training Institutes to meet the specific requirements of the industries is also an integral component of this Rehabilitation Plan.

STATE’S DRIVE FOR STEADY GROWTH
West Bengal is now on a steady integration mode of a vibrant agricultural economy with the emergent sectors of the modern industrial economy. This has become possible because of the policies pursued by the state government over the last 34 years. The rate of growth of Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) from Agriculture in the year 2009-10 has reached 4.2 per cent, which is much above the rate of growth of GDP from Agriculture (-0.2 per cent) for the country as a whole. Thus, growth in the agricultural sector beginning with the land reforms and surplus generated in the economy has created a conducive environment in the state for faster industrial development. Despite global recession, entrepreneurs have come forward to set up new industries in the state. This is evident from the number of IEMs filed by the entrepreneurs with the Government of India for setting up of new industries in West Bengal. During the calendar year 2009, West Bengal received 206 IEMs with a proposed investment of Rs 44,390 crore. During last five years (2005-2009) West Bengal received 1362 IEMs involving investment proposal of Rs 2,37,000 crore which accounted for 5.47 per cent of the total investment involved in the IEMs issued for the country as a whole. The total investment during the calendar year 2009 was as high as Rs 8493.43 crore. As per the latest report of ASSOCHAM, West Bengal is next only to Gujarat and Maharashtra in the matter of implementation of IEMs during the period from August 1991 to March, 2009. As far as Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is concerned, West Bengal received 7 FDI approvals during the year 2009 (January to November) involving an investment of Rs 313.8 crore. Moreover, FDI inflows through RBI’s Kolkata Regional Office during 2009 (January to November) stood at Rs 219.14 crore. This does unmistakably establish the fact that West Bengal is moving forward to regain its pride of place and pre-eminence in the industrial map of the country.

IMPEDIMENTS
It needs to be recognised that in the existing Constitutional arrangements, a state government has to depend on the central government both for financial resources and necessary policy support. Now, with the withdrawal of earlier restrictions on the flow of capital and predominance of market forces, the only choice before the Left Front is to make the most of the available opportunities for rapid industrial development of the state in the interest of the common people. It has to be kept in mind that it is not possible in the present capitalist economic structure to usher in a non-capitalist way of development at the instance of the state government. The compulsions of the Left Front government in the capitalist structure are presently far more pronounced. It would undeniably have been most ideal if the state government could itself have been able to make necessary investment in the industrial sector for the overall development of the state but the lack of resources at its disposal have always stood in the way. The central government practically tends to usurp all its revenue earning avenues; the Constitutional arrangements are heavily tilted towards the centre. Though our Constitution advocates federalism, it is basically unitary in content which fetters the powers of the states.

It also remains a hard reality that in the new policy regime the state governments are being pushed to a position where they virtually have no role in the economic activity. Rather, in the IMF-World Bank dictated policy regime, the omnipotent market forces determine what the governments of the day will actually do and need to do. The national sovereignty is being surrendered at the altar of the neo-imperialists. With the present UPA-II government representing the interests of the monopoly capital and multinationals, it is becoming increasingly difficult for the state government to pursue its development initiatives. A few examples will suffice to illustrate the point.

The state government’s repeated requests for allocation of nine coal blocks situated in West Bengal for the upcoming projects in the state, particularly in the Steel and Power Sectors, have not yet yielded positive results. The Government of India has not been taking pro-active steps to address the problem of declining draft of the navigable depth in Haldia Channel which is essential for saving Haldia Port. A number of PSUs have been closed in our state due to the policies of the central government affecting employment of a very large number of workers. It needs to be remembered that the policies pursued by the ruling class are dictated by their own class interests. The Left Front government’s ability to dictate the policies in the present political formation is extremely difficult.

Another major constraint now being faced by the state government in taking industrial development to the optimal level is the disruptive activities in some parts of the state, particularly in the districts of Bankura, Purulia, Paschim Medinipur and some parts of North Bengal. The post- Singur- Nandigram scenario apart, the activities of these destabilising forces have a regressive effect on the image of West Bengal as an industrial destination but they have not been able to deter West Bengal’s industrial progress in any significant way.

The Left Front government in West Bengal has the vision for a resurgent, vibrant and industrially advanced state, while strongly defending the interests of the working people. The support of the people is the most important element in striving forward. There is no denying the fact that whatever successes we have achieved over the last 34 years is because of the support and cooperation of the people. As it is true in respect of implementation of land reforms, agricultural development, literacy programme, decentralisation of power, development of Self Help Groups, it is of great importance in relation to industrialisation also.

6th March, 2011
PEOPLE’S DEMOCRACY

Friday, January 15, 2010

An Exercise in Malice and Slander


By Sakshi Sen

D BANDYOPADHYAY, a former secretary of revenue and erstwhile secretary of rural development in the government of India, fills an entire article with slander in a recent piece titled, "Citizens Beware! Killer Convicts at Large!" in the Mainstream magazine dated December 4-10, 2009. What is surprising is that there is total lack of editorial due diligence in publishing this malicious piece written by the former bureaucrat, whose motive is clear - demonising serving ministers and senior leaders of the ruling Communist Party of India (Marxist) - CPI(M) in West Bengal. The context that provides the author to make such a willful character assassination and deliberate falsification of facts is the Sainbari incident in March 1970, where two brothers - sympathisers of the Congress party were killed.

These murders were made the pretext to falsely implicate the entire leadership of the CPI(M) in Burdwan district. It must be noted that this was done when West Bengal was under President's rule and the Congress party was going all out to target the CPI(M) and its cadres.


A SPURIOUS PREMISE

The premise of Bandyopadhyay's article is that 17 of the miscreants who were responsible for the murder of the Sain brothers - the author does not care to mention their names - Pronob and Moloy Sain - were named as "accused" and eight of them, were "convicted" and life imprisonment was imposed upon them by the District and Sessions Judge of Burdwan in 1971. Of the eight thus convicted- he names Benoy Konar (who is current Central Committee member of the CPI[M]), Politburo Member and West Bengal industries minister Nirupam Sen, Manik Roy (mentioned as "absconding"), Amal Haldar and Paltoo Bandyopadhyay.

Bandyopadhyay also asserts that the "convicts went on appeal before the Calcutta High Court twice. On both occasions their appeal was rejected." He then goes on to say that the convicts did not "curiously" prefer to appeal before the Supreme Court and instead "waited for an opportunity to get them out of the prison by foul means". Later, when the CPI(M) came to power, "all the convicts of the Sai murder case were released on "parole"". Bandyopadhyay's premise is that the "convicts" were released on "parole" by political means, after getting to "power". He then makes a further assertion that the "records of the case" were "pilfered" from the "archives of the Calcutta High Court through their [the CPI(M)'s] committed members of the "Coordination Committee" among the employees of the High Court".
Thus framing his case for the article's headline that "killer convicts are at large", Bandyopadhyay then goes on to construct an elaborate pack of cards bringing the Singur and Nandigram "incidents" into the picture as he makes scurrilous after scandalous claim about the persons in question.


HOW THE PREMISE IS FALSE

A cursory look at the facts at hand would be enough to dismiss Bandyopadhyay's entire article as a pack of lies, wrapped in a monument of malice intended to deliberately attack whom he perceives as his political enemy (Bandyopadhyay's current political inclinations are well known - he is an advisor to the maverick and obstructionist Trinamul Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee).
Firstly, Bandyopadhyay gets it wrong about the procedural cases since the incident. As the case order of the "State v Ajit Mukherjee and 83 others" also known as the "Sainbari case" in the court of the 3rd Additional Sessions Judge (Shri R K Kar), Alipore points out clearly –
"On 17.3.70 at 12:30 PM, one Dilip Kumar Bhattacharya lodged an FIR at Burdwan Police Station...".
"On the basis of the said FIR the Burdwan Police Station started P.S Case no 50 dt. 17.3.70 and took up investigation of the case. After completion of the investigation the police submitted a chargesheet against 111 persons on 8.2.71 under various sections of the Penal code including sections 148, 149/302 and 149/436 I.P.C. before the S.D.J.M Burdwan. "..

"the accd. persons made a prayer before the Sessions Judge, Burdwan for the transfer of the case outside the Burdwan town".

"The ld. Sessions judge rejected the prayer of the accd. persons and so they moved the Hon'ble High Court. On 21.2.71 the Hon'ble High Court transferred the case to Alipore and the S.D.J.M Alipore commited the case to the court of Sessions on 13.6.74."

"Charges were framed against the accd. persons on 13.8.77 and on 20.9.77, the ld. Public Prosecutor filed an application u/s 321 Cr.P.C seeking the court's consent for withdrawal from the prosecution of the accd. persons".

The order in the "State vs Ajit Mukherjee and 83 others case" - passed by the Third Court of Additional Sessions Judge, Alipore dated 30 September 1977 and another dated 6 May 1978 - eventually acquitted the 83 accused persons from the charges framed against them. But we are going ahead of the story. As the case records points out, the Bandyopadhyay claim that "eight" of the "17 accused" were convicted and "life imprisonment" was imposed upon them is a fairy tale. Whatever follows - that the "convicts" went on appeal against their "sentence" to the High Court and that eventually they were released on "parole" are thus completely false and flows from the rather flowing imagination of the said author. It also appears very clearly that the numbers 8 and 17 are discretely chosen to make a scurrilous point. Amal Haldar's name for example is not part of the 83 accused in the "State vs Ajit Mukherjee..." case.
How could someone who has not been convicted appeal for "parole"? And from where did Bandyopadhyay make his claim that eight persons were convicted and sentenced to "life imprisonment"? And why would anyone who has not been "convicted" appeal to the Supreme Court to overturn a judgement of "conviction" if that never happened? These are questions that deserve legitimate answers from the obviously deranged former bureaucrat.

That Bandyopadhyay's later assertions on the CPI(M) using its "power" to grant "parole" to the "convicted" and that the records of the case archive were destroyed are nonsense is proved from the "State vs Ajit Mukherjee..." case records. Curiously, Bandyopadhyay also makes other assertions that the Registrar General, Calcutta High Court had "shockingly" reported to the Supreme Court that the High Court had no paper relating to the Sainbari case, when no appeal to the non-existing conviction was ever filed in the High Court! The author continues in his nonsensical vein claiming that the "CPI(M) government had granted unconditional and unlimited parole" and hopes that the "Supreme Court gave an order revoking the parole of the convicts". It is mentioned in the article that one Joydeep Mukherjee has filed a writ petition before the Supreme Court to find out how the "convicts" have been "enjoying unrestricted and unconditional parole for the last 32 years". As established before, these are all false premises and one wonders how the Supreme Court could admit the petition which is certainly a false affidavit - a sure case of contempt of Court.
So what essentially is the truth about the trials that followed the Sainbari murder incidents? We should again take recourse to the same "State vs Ajit Mukherjee.." case order. Here is the timeline as events happened.


FACTS OF THE CASE AND ORDER

Following the transfer of the case to the Sessions court on 13.6.74, "Charges with Five Heads" were filed against 83 people, seven of whom are mentioned by Bandyopadhyay. The charges were that the 83 mentioned in the chargesheet were part of "about 1500" people engaging in "unlawful assembly" at Protapswar Sibtala, Burdwan and accused of participating in the murder of Malay Sain, his brother Pranab Sen and family tutor Jiten Roy, in rioting and looting and setting the house on fire etc.

The case order in "State vs Ajit Mukherjee.." dismissed the charges. It heard out a statement by the Public Prosecutor who had filed an application u/s 321 Cr.P.C for withdrawal from the prosecution of the accused persons with the consent of the court, on following grounds -

The Public Prosecutor stated that he is convinced that there was an occurence on the relevant date and relevant time in the house of the Sains, but the accused persons did not participate in that occurence. That most of the accused belonged to one political party and most of the witnesses belonged to a rival political party, and that the accused persons had been falsely implicated in the case. That the investigation had not been fair and impartial and that the rival political party directed the course of the investigation and the evidence collected by the investigation agency was grossly tainted.

That, as two major political parties were involved in the case, if instant prosecution was carried to its logical end, it is almost certain that feelings or acrimony and hatred would be engineered between the local workers of the said two political parties, and that the current (then) situation in Burdwan town is quite peaceful and the trial is bound to disturb the peaceful atmosphere that is prevailing in the town.
That, the then State government (of the Left Front) had effected a policy of "Forgive and Forget" which was directed at putting an end to all political and ideological bitterness of the past.
The judge in his order, examined the grounds of withdrawal by looking at similar judicial precedents and on the basis of principles laid down by the Supreme Court in considering such grounds.
Vis-a-vis the first ground, the judge observed that there was a case of recantation of testimony by the person who filed the FIR; that he was unsure of the numbers mentioned in the chargesheet and that following the incident, leaders of the rival political party had colluded with the investigating officer in getting statements recorded from various witnesses. There were several discrepancies with the statements given by the witnesses, in the manner the FIR was filed and in the way the investigation was done. These facts and circumstances supported the Public Prosecutor's submission that the investigation had not been impartial and that he would not be able to lead cogent and convincing evidence to warrant a conviction of the accused was not without basis.
Plus the general political atmosphere in Burdwan Town at that time, featuring political murders and attacks on rival political parties, the general inaction of the police during the incident - either to halt the miscreants' attack on the Sain house as a retaliation to an alleged bomb attack on them or to apprehend them after the incident. The judge also referred to other precedents on incidents arising out of rivalry between different associations and dismissal of charges owing to the need to continue to maintain harmony post such incidents. In the light of prevalence of relative calm and peace eight years since the Sainbari incident, the judge mentions that the Public Prosecutor's submission of withdrawal on such grounds deserved consideration.

However on the third ground of the Left Front government's policy of "forgive and forget", the judge clearly mentions that "the policy of Government is no consideration for giving consent for withdrawal" citing other precedents.

In sum, the judge considered the other two grounds enough to not find sufficient reason to withhold consent for withdrawal. Thus, the accused were acquitted of the offences under Cr.PC section 321(b). All these facts and details are available in the court order.

Coming back to Bandyopadhyay's article, it is clear that the article was written to throw mud on CPI(M) functionaries by building a monument of falsehood about "conviction", "release on parole" and "destruction of records". In doing so and by using expressions such as "black mamba", "killer convicts", "nasty killer" to describe a serving and elected minister and other public functionaries, the author only further sullies his already discredited image. What is striking is the absolute lack of editorial due diligence as well on this article. Any editor worth her/his salt would have taken pains to check the veracity of the claims as well as been tempted to use editorial standards to vet some of the abominable language used. But alas, so consumed is the editor in buying the spurious monument of lies, there is none of that necessary editorial work.
That this deranged writer is a trusted advisor of the leader of the chief party in the opposition in the state is a testament to the state of affairs that exists in the anti-Left Front alliance in West Bengal. Considering the track record of the leader in question - in the sheer mindlessness, in the nonsensical obstructionism, in the poverty of logic and reason in the Trinamul's politics, it is not a surprise that she keeps such abominable company to advise her.

Friday, March 20, 2009

PERSPECTIVE OF 15TH LOKSABHA ELECTION

by NIRUPAM SEN
The forthcoming Lok Sabha Elections is a significantly important political struggle for the Left. The Left Front will be facing these elections basing their stand on the politics of careful introspection and praxis, revolving around the numerous issues relevant to our state and country.

More than 50% of the popular mandate is for the Left Front

The last few decades have been a witness to numerous veiled and direct attacks on the Left Front in India. The leaders and members and the party workers at all levels have demonstrated limitless patience and unyielding conviction in the face of such attacks, and have thus retained and in fact, increased the popular support that they had garnered with time. The Left Front has been responsible for holding the seat of governance in a state for a period of more than 30 years with the popular mandate of more than 50% of the state’s population. And the prolonged efforts of the left Front in trying to raise general consciousness and create awareness amongst all about their democratic rights has been reflected in the fact that the number of votes polled in this state is far more than that in most other Indian states. And this is an endorsement of the fact that the general populace is exceedingly aware of their democratic rights and privileges, as well as highly politically conscious. None of the polls in this state has seen a voter turn-up that is lesser than 80%. And amongst this huge number of people who chose to exercise their democratic tights through voting, a staggering 50% or more have supported the Left Front for the last 32 years in all their electoral ventures. This includes the last Panchayet Elections too. An election that saw a sudden tide of propaganda around the state and around the nation that The Left Front was slowly losing the support of the populace that it had so carefully nurtured over the years. This propaganda then took the form of immature attacks in the form of slander, opportunism and bankrupt politics against the Left Front. And facing this unprecedented scale of attacks, the Left Front again polled a vote count of more than 50% in these Panchayet Elections.

A multi faceted propaganda to estrange the working class from the Left Front

The magnitude of this propaganda was unprecedented, and the Left Front was facing such an attack from all quarters for the first time. There has been a conscious effort to physically annihilate its presence from various areas, as well as a consolidated attack through the means of systematic lies, false information and slander. The sole purpose of these attacks is to bring about an estrangement amongst the working class and the consortium of parties which stand for them, the Left Front, and more specifically its major constituent, the CPI(M). And the attackers have shown that they are ready to stoop to any level, to adopt any falsehood, to achieve their purpose.

And this is not the sole handiwork of the political opponents of the Left Front. The media has played a strong role in dissipating the lies fed by the opposition to the people, across the state, across the country, and sometimes across the Globe. And the scale of such an attack is what makes it unheard of. The Left Front fights the elections this time under the shadow of such an attack.

This propaganda has, in fact, affected the people who have a not-so-firm political stance

The Panchayet Elections were closely followed the parliamentary bypolls in our State. These have thrown up mixed results. But the detractors have blown these up with the propaganda that the ‘Left has been defeated’. This bypoll has actually seen an increase of votes in favour of the Left in the Para constituency in Purulia. AT the same time, we have been defeated in Nandigram and Bishnupur. In the 2006 state elections, the Left had polled a total of 44% votes in this constituency. The combined vote % of the INC and TMC was 52%. Thus it is quite evident that they have managed to to attract a significant amount of our supporters towards them. This ‘swing’ section, who supported us in the last elections, has been influenced vastly by the recent events and false propaganda that has blossomed in the political scenario of the state, and they chosen to support our opponents. And this has led to another cycle of propaganda, that the popular foundations of the Left are staggering.

A consortium of destructive forces have united against the Left

We have been witness to a strange phenomenon in the political canvas of West Bengal – there is a humongous effort to unite the ultra left and the right wingers against the Left Front. All the poltical struggles that have taken place recently in Nandigram, Singur, Lalgarh, Gorkhaland, Greater Coochbehar have seen an overwhelming presence of the political opponents of the Left, sometimes in direct participation, sometimes as covert allies. And the media has played and important role in propagating their false views and propaganda amongst the general population.

The campaign of the opposition shows an absence of politics, only unsubstantiated slander and a stubborn attitude against progress

This time the political campaign plan of the opposition is unique in that it shows a complete lack of politically relevant matter. The only scope of such campaigning is a meticulous system of lies and slander against the Left front led by the CPI(M). There are no criticisms or attacks based on ideological or tactical stands. There is no presence of an alternative plan of action. They are characterized only by the fact that they blindly oppose any steps taken by the Left Front. The destructive forces of the opposition are stubbornly obstructing any developmental plans or steps taken by the Left, and there is a complete lack of reasoning and logic throughout.

Take for instance, the inauguration of the East-West Metro rail project in Kolkata. Our esteemed leader of the opposition declared, ‘How many metros does one city need? This is eyewash!’ It’s surprising that a leader of the opposition can speak such words! The fact that a city can and in fact, does have more than one metro line (as seen in many cities around the world) is a fact that is conveniently unknown to her. But this is what the opposition is propagating through their campaigns. This is what they are taking to the people.

The sole purpose of the opposition is to oppose the left Front on all grounds, at any cost. The Congress, on one hand, declares that they shall not be an obstacle in the path of development, and on the other, they are forging electoral alliances with the one entity which is obstructing any development in the state.

The INC declares time and again, that their sole agenda is the country’s progress. Where has this declared policy vanished when it comes to our state? We have seen that at the all-parties conference in Singur, a conference which was held in accordance with suggestions given by Priyaranjan Dasmunshi of the INC, the INC placed their arguments in favour of the TMC – opposed to industry and development. And yet they speak of development. And this same congress has now entered into an opportunist electoral alliance with the TMC, the sole entity responsible for destabilization and obstructing development in the state.

The alternative being presented in place of the Left Front is a party which defies all sort of sane reasoning and logic, which is totally bankrupt of ideology.

This is a party which consists of a group of spineless persons, whose only role is that of a stoking the ego of their autocratic leader, and this leader is being presented as the face of the alternative which would replace the Left Front. The murderous attacks or physical assaults on Left Front cadres and sympathisers have become commonplace. These attacks are taking place on the marginally poor in the rural areas. The brunts of these attacks are borne by tribal leaders, rural peasants who are sympathetic to the cause of the Left. And none of these horrific and gory details find their place in the information system of the state’s media. And even if they are, they are not being accorded due importance or significance, or sometimes even being propagated with lies and falsehoods. And the complete opposite takes place when the victim is someone from the opposition.

Don’t the near and dear ones of these victims whose only fault is that they are supporters of the left feel any pain or loss? Don't they leave behind hapless children and family members? But none of this is served up as significant news. The people of the state must understand and analyze the hidden agenda behind this phenomenon of attacks and cover ups by the media.

The LS Elections decide which policies the country will follow

The LS elections are not fought over local issues. How the country would function as a whole, what are the policies that would determine the path taken by it, is what is determined by the outcome of the LS elections. Will be continue on the present economic path as decided by the previous set of people in charge of the country? We, the Left, have played a significant role in the last LS elections. The popular mandate given to us by the people of West Bengal, Tripura and Kerala helped us set up a new power equation at the Center. We had consolidated a considerable strength of numbers which enabled us to directly engage in policy making for the country. And for the first time in the history of independent India, we have been successfully able to raise questions and bring about a debate regarding the economic policies followed by those in power. We played the role of unmasking the true intentions and destructive character of the economic policies adopted by the NDA, followed by the UPA. And we have succeeded in stalling most of these suicidal policies, which would otherwise have led to economic devastation for India. The people must understand this role played by the Left. And since the powers-that-be know that the state of West Bengal is the strongest foothold for the Left, they have directed all their forces against the Left Front government in this state, hoping to weaken them as a political entity, thus enabling them to implement the policies which we have successfully opposed till now.

We have played a historical role in the contemporary politics of the state and the country.

While we have been saying that generating employment is our current and principle aim, the policies adopted by the national government has only led to a downsize in employment opportunities. The Left Front in West Bengal has been successful in two things, one- We have fought the new economic policies in a country wide perspective adopted at the center, two – while at the same time these policies have led to unemployment and general economic malaise, we have worked hard and succeeded considerably to generate employment in our state. And this story of success is what has peeved so many, thus allying them together for this attack on the Left.

We have always maintained and iterated that if the income of the majority doesn't increase, then the internal market will not expand. And if this market does not expand, then indigenous industries will never flourish. So the policies adopted must be aimed at generating an increased income for the majority of the population. The internal markets have to expand to usher in indigenous industries. The drive for industrialization must generate proportional employment for the people.

The liberalization of the economy and the so called economic ‘reforms’ have led to a crisis.

In 1991, the P.V. Narasimha Rao headed Congress government at the center, which had our present Prime Minister Manmohan Singh as the finance minister, had adopted a plethora of liberal economic policies, which have been in practice for the last 15 or more years. We had continuously warned that this would lead to an inevitable crisis, we had fought against these policies, and our cause has been validated by the recent phenomenon in the economic canvas of the country. This crisis is plaguing not only our country, but the entire world. In the USA, reputed banks like Lehman Brothers, along with many other financial institutions have had to file for bankruptcy and close shop. The primary reason behind this debacle is the fact that the people who took loans from the banks were unable to or unwilling to return the money to the banks. The huge amount of money reserves accumulated by these banks was recklessly given out as loans. Since the majority of the people are poor, the unrestrained greed of the rich few, who wanted to create consumption frenzy and a virtual market within the market, led to these easy loans to one and all. The aim was to encourage those people to take loans who have a purchasing power. The bottom line of economic liberalization is – stop any government intervention in the functioning of financial institutions like banks. We know that the normal functions of a bank are to function as an establishment where people save money, and to provide loans for endeavors like farming and industry. The interest paid by a person who lends money from the bank is more than the interest paid by the bank to the person who keeps his savings with the bank. That is precisely how a bank generates profits. And thus, the cash reserves of the bank are used to increase overall production in the society. And increased production means increased opportunities for employment, and general social well being.

But the new liberal policies have resulted in increased production using advancements in the fields of science and technology, and at the same time have led to a decrease in the purchasing power of the population to buy these produced goods. The local markets have not expanded like they should have. Wealth is being centralized in the hands of a select few. The banks no longer felt that investing their money in factories or such was profitable. The new areas where the private banks began investing and handing out loans at incredibly low rates of interest were – the real estate sector, the automobile sector, the retail sector, etc. With the increase in the volume of loans given at low interest rates as house loans to the common people, the prices of land and raw materials began to rise exponentially. This led to an increase in the share prices of those groups involved in the real estate business. This led to a stalemate position where ultimately, everybody was a producer, not a consumer. And then suddenly the value of these properties began to depreciate at a tremendous rate. The money invested by the bank in these sectors was lost. It became impossible for the people to pay back the loans to the banks. And finally, the government came forward to bail out these banks. But this in turn led to another crisis in the economic canvas.

With the banks becoming bankrupt, the industrial sector suddenly found itself short of funds, and no place to get them from. And with the markets shrinking, the purchasing power of the majority had not seen any significant increase, which led to a decrease in overall production. This led to lay-offs and unemployment on a massive scale. The current economic downturn is much more widespread in magnitude then the Great Depression of the 30’s. The rate at which unemployment has increased around the globe after 1991 is unparalleled in history. Statistics show that there has been an increase of 6.1% in terms of unemployment rate.

As an example, on a single day in USA, it was declared that 10,000 people had lost their jobs. By the end of the day, that figure had reached 50,000. In 2007, 17,90,00,000 people had lost their jobs, while at the beginning of 2009, this figure was a staggering 23,00,00,000. The scenario in our country is horrifying too. While adopting the neo-liberal economic policies at the Center, the government had maintained that there was no need to expand our indigenous market. This led to the fact that the goods produced here were sold in foreign markets. To bring about a decrease in costs of production and to ensure that they are smoothly transferred to foreign markets, the government negated all constraints on export-imports and opened up our markets. The government provided massive help in terms of tax cuts, infrastructural subsidies, special economic zones, reduced export duties, etc. The economy of the country soon became dependent on exports.

The Left has cried hoarse about the fact that if indigenous markets are not expanded, then we would face a grave economic crisis real soon. We would be competing with other developing countries for exports, and this would lead to the capitalists exploiting our economy even more. The capitalist countries wanted cheap raw materials and a market to sell their produced goods. The liberalization of our economy ensured that they were provided that in this country. There is a tremendous uprise in terms of campaign to increase consumption of consumer goods.

Karl Marx had once aptly remarked about capitalism, ‘Capitalism blows up needs to disproportionate figures, and gives rise to inhuman, irrational, multifaceted greed’.

The only section in opposition to these anti-people neo liberal policies is the Left

Our government had wanted Foreign Direct Investment in sectors like nationalized banks and insurance companies. They had sought to modify the laws accordingly. We the Left had struggled vehemently against such legal modifications and implementation of these policies. This would have led to our economy completely being in control of foreign capitalists. Entry into the banking and insurance sectors would have resulted in the savings of the common man being controlled by these forces. And that money would then be used to gamble in the global financial sectors by these powers. We have successfully stalled any such intentions. The media has tagged us as ‘conservatives’. And now, the Governor of the RBI has declared, ‘The economic crisis plaguing the world has not affected India with equal magnitude, because the controlling reins of our economy our still in the hands of our government’. And the sole reason for this was the struggle of the Left Front.

We have opposed the price hike in petroleum products. The government said that the international price of crude oil has increased. It is being said the demand for oil has exceeded its supply, thus resulting in a price rise. The people have believed these lies fed by the media. But what is the truth? The price of a barrel of cruse oil had once peaked to 150 dollars. Presently, it has depreciated to 40 – 42 dollars. So this story about the demand and supply is pure falsehood. The truth is, the oil companies were amassing huge reserves of oil for future trading and artificially increased the price of crude oil, so that these reserves could be sold at a high price. And the driving factor behind such immoral actions is the drive for increased profits.

The price of food products have been increased too. The American president, George Bush, remarked that ‘Prices of food grains have increased because the people of China and India are consuming more quantities of food.’ During this time, our government had bought food grains from Australia at a higher price than what is paid to our own farmers, to meet the shortfall of food grains.

Capital is being earmarked for speculation, not for production

Unlike finance capital, speculative capital is removed from the circuit of productive capital and does not create surplus value, but only “re-distributes” it. Speculative capital is not reinvested in hiring more workers, expanding plants and equipment, purchasing raw materials or new technology. Instead, these vast amounts are diverted into speculation where investors gamble on changes in the prices of financial instruments.

Our national share markets saw a sudden influx of foreign capital. The volume of shares traded increased, leading to a consequential increase in the price of shares. The average person began investing his hard earned money in buying a large number of shares. When the rate of increase in price of these shares reached a new high, the foreign capitalists began selling them off. This led to an abrupt fall in the priceof these shares, leading to tremendous losses being suffered by the person who had invested in them.

In this manner, the foreign companies have injected 18 million dollars into our national share market for purposes of speculation. We had vehemently opposed this. We had said that we should allow FDI only in direct production - industrialisation, and not speculation. The advent of new technology would have led to new industries, and thus, increased employment oppurtunities. We had not opposed this sort of Foreign Direct Investment. But we are strongly against speculative capital. But the Central government paid more importance to speculative capital, thus leading the country's economy to the current crisis, which is horrifying in magnitude.

We are not the only ones who have been affected, there are many other Asian countries who are facing the same critical scenario. Thisis because the about 47% of these countries' net production is earmarked for export. Thus, with the sudden decrease in foreign exports, these economies also faced an overpowering recession. Recent studies say that instead of job generation, the current economic crisis would lead to the loss of employment for around one crore people in India in the current year. Although the paradox is that this is still a fraction of the crisis which we would have ultimately faced, had the Left not fought inside and outside the parliament to protect the interests of the citizens of this country.

The Indian Government had planned to handover the pension funds of all state and central government employees to private entities under the veil of 'pension fund management'. This money would then be invested in the share market. In the USA, the same scenario has led to the vanishing of pension funds of 2.5 lakh people. Their pensions have been stopped. We have succesfully stopped our government from carrying out such a dastardly act.

And it is only us, the Left, who have fought relentlessly against these anti-people policies of the UPA government.

And it is not only our economy, but also our political stance which is at stake

The IMF or the World Bank’s purpose is not only limited to influencing us in determining our economic policies, but also as a direct influence and possibly decision maker in case of our political stand. The capitalists have always aimed to be the driver of the political carriage of India. They have to capture and monopolize our markets so that they can sell their produced goods here. And that is precisely why they need to be in control of our politics.

For a long time now, USA has not identified a growing market for selling their nuclear power technology. And in USA itself, there hasn’t been any new nuclear power plants being built for the last 23 years. Thus, they need a market in a country like ours to sell their technology. And if they can sell us nuclear technology, that would also create the market for fissile raw materials like uranium. The nuclear treaty was all about that. It has put in place conditions that can effectively determine our foreign policy, our nuclear policy, it has brought the entire scope of our nuclear research under american supervision and monitoring. The government maintained that we were in such a dire need of nuclear power, that we would have to accept the terms of this treaty at all costs. We, the Left, did not declare that we did not need nuclear power. Instead, we said that for a poor country like ours, the financially viable solution currently would have been to increase our thermal power production with the help of the vast reserves of coal that we possess. The cost of that power would have been cheaper than nuclear power. And in the meantime, we could concentrate on indigenous research for generating nuclear power out of raw materials like thorium, of which there are considerable reserves in our country. But the treaty was solely aimed at promoting the commercial and political interests of the USA. The same USA who destroyed Iraq and Afghanistan and are now planning to demolish Iran.

The Left front and minority affairs

The recent campaigns against us have one salient point – that the Left in WB do not care about the minorities. The crux of this idea seems to be that the minorities elsewhere in India are far better off than they are in West Bengal. But the Sachhar Committee report speaks about the entire country. It says how the minorities have remained emancipated throughout the country. The important question here is, which political group has handled the reigns of this county for the better part of time? That group is the Congress. The Congress and its fledgling, the TMC, should answer about what they have done for the minorities. And at the same time, these parties support the USA who have been responsible for the most inhumane acts against Muslims throughout the world. Since a few of these Muslims are fundamentalists, in the eyes of the American imperialists, all Muslims are fundamentalists. And these same imperialists are responsible for the barbaric atrocities against the Palestinian people. And the Indian government is buying arms and military technology from the perpetrators of this heinous crime, the Israeli army. And this government has shown covert signs of joining in the ‘war against terror’ on the side of America, ‘ to annihilate terrorists and protect democracy’. What an irony! The biggest global terrorist of our times is the USA.

There is no political group in India other than the Left, who don't only preach secularism, but protect it with their blood. 50% of the total population of West Bengal consists of Muslims, Scs and Sts. And the major chunk of this population form our rural poor. Once these people were landless labourers. They have benefited most from the land reforms and land redistribution schemes of the Left. 84% of rural land is now owned by these once small and marginalised peasants. Which means that this land is owned by these same minorities. The Sachhar committee report has conveniently omitted this part.

We want more development, especially in the regions where these minorities form a large part of the populace. Development denotes better roads, more educational institutions, healthcare centres, industrial development, etc. And the INC-TMC alliance is opposing exactly these schemes.

Roads and industry would lead to an overall development of the surrounding region. And with this background, the Left front Government had planned to the building of roads in the South 24 Parganas and the industrialization of the area surrounding Nandigram, where the majority of the population are minorities. If these plans had materialized, then the main beneficiaries would have been these very same minorities. Are the groups who opposed these plans really in favour of the improvement of minority conditions? Is there any village where the inhabitants do not want better roads and connectivity. When the Rural Road Yojana came along, the precondition was that if villagers gave up a part of their lands, then roads would be widened. The rural poor came out in their own interests and gave up lands for the construction of roads.

At this same time, the tribals were made to dig up roads around Lalgarh. This means that the same roads which had enabled the connectivity of these remote areas with the prime regions were destroyed. An ambulance carrying a doctor and a nurse was blown up, thus putting the people of this region out of the reach of healthcare temporarily. Do these groups really care about the interests of these minorities?

Development and job generation seems to be a ‘crime’ in their eyes

We have identified the undeveloped regions and have put in place plans to speed up the rateof development in these areas. This is precisely why the recent plans of power plants in Murshidabad, a huge factory in Sagardighi and roads through the heart of South 24 parganas have been undertaken.

We have done all this with the aim of generating employment. If trying to create jobs for thousands of people is a ‘crime’, then we are ‘criminals’. If activities such as building and widening of roads, setting up educational institutions and healthcare facilities is a crime, then we would gladly commit such crimes. The people have to decide if they are on our side.

They had vehemently opposed the setting up of the thermal power centre in Bakreshwar. The price for that was paid in blood by the youth of the Left. They still follow the same poltics of opposition of developmental works. And we are firm in that we would do whatever it takes to protect the interests of the people.

The people have to decide if they want the sort of industry that would create jobs. If the country id to be served up on a platter to the alter of speculative capital, or if proper policies are followed to make ourselves self sufficient.

Divisive politics are at play to prevent a united consciousness against this crisis

If the Left is weakened, then the struggle for the interests of the working class, of the vast majority of this country living under poverty lines would never formulate into a significant battle. The struggle which we are pursuing to make India self sufficient and to safeguard the interests of the working class wholly depends on whether we are able to increase our strength or not.

The whole country is facing a crisis, and to divert the attention of the population from this crisis, there is a clear conspiracy at play to bring about a division amongst the people.

Sometimes these lines are being drawn on the basis of religion, sometimes on the basis of caste, and several separatist movements have taken form from this mess. Everybody wants seperate states. This new wave of parochialism and jingoism is taking visible form in Assam, Mumbai and elsewhere. We cannot allow this to happen in West Bengal.

A terrible power is taking shape in our state

This power fuels the fire of separatism in our state. They know that the unity of the people form the base for development. If you divide people, if you play them against each other, you can successfully halt any sort of development. These conspiracy to separate the Gorkhas, the Rajbangshis, the tribals, is something that we must question.

A terrible power is raising its ugly head in the state. It has joined ranks with the maoists, the naxalites, with the communal powers and the Islamic fundamentalists on one hand, and with the INC on the other.

A conspiracy to bring about a rift in the working class and separate them from the Left

This time the struggle is tremendously difficult, because the politics is quite complex. In the state, the Left front government has undertaken a plan for an alternative in the interest of the people. But we are unable to avoid the adverse effects of the policies formulated at the centre. For instance, the creation of the BPL lists has resulted in seething anger amongst the rural poor. We are against this, but as a state under the constitution of India, we are forced to work with these policies. We have repeatedly proclaimed that in a country where 77% of the population earn a daily wage below Rs 20, it is highly impractical to distinguish between the ‘rich’ and the ‘poor’. We demanded that everybody had to be brought under a mass redistribution scheme. But in most of their schemes – a family has to be identified who would get the benefits of the plan. A village might have 50 families who need these benefits. But according to the rules of the central government, only 5 are eligible for them. The other 45 are being pulled into despair and anger towards the chosen 5. And the government wants exactly that.

The primary issues like generating jobs and increasing income is being blatantly ignored. Instead, the poor are being divided on significant lines. Although we oppose such polices, we have tried to implement them pragmatically in our state, or the funds that are helping even a small fraction of the poor would have been returned.

And these sporadic issues are being used by the opposition in their campaign against us.

The central opposition party in our state

What is the nature of the leadership of the TMC? The nature in which they conduct their business of politics, what they say, how they behave, is visibly repulsive. Their sole function is the lumpenization of politics. Those heading it are a bunch of spineless court jesters, whose only agenda is the promotion of self interests. They are not concerned about the interests of the people.

In this time frame, one thing is to be kept under consideration. We are witnessing the emergence of sporadic pockets of destructive reactionary forces. This does not mean that they have appeared suddenly. They existed for a long time, but were hibernating. In the last 32 years, 35% - 40% of the populace have traditionally voted against the Left. A small fraction of these people are encouraging these anarchic forces in our state. Thee forces are being supported at all costs, even when most of them are anti-socials. And we must also accept, that due to numerous flaws and mistakes on the part of a small section of the leaders and cadres of the Left front, the poor who have turned against us are being used by these forces.

The basic nature of development is that it increases the general wants of the people. The fact that the wants of the poor have increased – is in itself a tremendous endorsement of the success of the Left front. We have brought about a visible presence of self respect amongst the poor. And the opposition wants to destroy this self respect. To transform the entire working class into spineless individuals. This is exactly how fascism rears it ugly head. The party which has no internal democracy, where none of its members can be vocal about their opinion, such a party can never propagate democracy if it comes to power. The democracy which has flourished due to the struggles of the Left, the phenomenon of the empowerment of the poor and the downtrodden, and the consciousness about their rights, which has led to the continuous opposition of the class hegemony in the country, is exactly what the TMC wants to destroy by weakening the Left. They are protecting the interests of the ruling class. And this is the sole agenda which has been undertaken against the Left in these elections.

There are still numerous areas of improvement in our state. But only the Left front has been able to and will continuously uphold the principles of struggle of the working class, and bring about the improvement of their conditions in the state. Only we will be able to steer our state in the path of progress and destroy the divisive politics of the opposition.

Our principle slogan in this Election

The parliamentary elections are an important political struggle. The interests of the country are linked to the results of this election, and this is exactly where the Left must play an important role. The Congress and the BJP both know that they would not be in a position to form the government with an absolute majority. These elections would, in all probability, see another coalition government at the helm of affairs. We must be in a position to determine the nature of this coalition, of its policies and of the role played by it.

Consequentially, we will be facing the forthcoming elections with two principal slogans – Defeat the Congress, Defeat the BJP. Because both these parties are against the interests of the working class, both are reactionary forces, they have to be weakened, and defeated wherever possible. It is true that the third alternative is still in a nascent stage. But there are a lot of regional forces which are not communal, but who work specifically for the interests of their region. These secular forces, who enjoy the support of a considerable section of the population, must be distanced from the Congress and BJP, and brought into the folds of the third alternative. If this can be realized, then the Third Front would become a considerable force in reckoning in the political canvas of India. We are trying to foment the conditions for the growth of the third alternative throughout the country. This alternative must base its role on realistic analysis of the nature of the issues faced by the people. And we, the Left, must play a considerable role in this analysis.

So we must work towards rearing a force that would defeat the Congress and the BJP, and we must strengthen this force wherever possible, and we must form a significant part of this force, so that we may play a proactive and positive role towards the building of the third alternative.

Sunday, October 5, 2008

SINGUR: THE LATEST DEVELOPMENTS


NIRUPAM SEN

The people of the country, of Bengal, and of Singur may legitimately pose the question as to what made the Tata's wind up the small car project at Singur when more than 85% of work has been completed.
A run of devastation called an 'agitation,' has had a temporary triumph. It has wounded the both the prospects of industrial investment in the state and the process of industrialisation. Again, we call this a temporary phenomenon. The majority of the people of the state - indeed, an overwhelming majority - had wanted from the core of their heart that the Singur project must become a reality.
Following the meeting that Bengal chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee and I had with Shri Ratan Tata, the expectation of the people has perhaps touched rock-bottom. Only history will tell in the months and years to come what would the losses entail to no less than eight crore of men and women of the state.
History was sent on the backfoot on 3 October 2008 when at the end of the meeting Shri Tata addressed the media that the small car project would now be shifted away from Singur because 'there is no there alternative,' now more than ever, what with the clear 'responsibility devolving on the so-called 'agitation' of the Trinamul Congress.' The project to which the people of the sate had looked with so much of fond expectation for a period of two-and-a-half years saw the shutters come down at last.
The people of the state would not be witness to the turning back of the wheel of history - the people of Bengal know how to face contingencies of whatever kind. The project, it is now clear has been shifted away from Singur simply and only because of destructive, irresponsible acts of violence by the main opposition party in Bengal and some its cohort outfits. The vast majority of the people Singur, indeed of Bengal do not support in any manner the pattern of behaviour of these political outfits. They wanted the project to see the light of the day. They stood to lose out the most. The extent of loss will be something that will be felt in full measure in the days ahead.
However, we have not an iota of doubt in our hearts-and-minds that the negative 'agitationsists' movement shall be met politically. People must come forward. The campaign-movement that would soon unfurl across the state and in the country must be conducted amidst the people, with the people.
The event has harmed the prospects of industrialisation. It has also left bleeding in its wake the prospects of industrial investment in the state. Hurt shall be felt amongst the younger generation amongst whom the Singur project was a beacon of hope. Nevertheless, not all this shall ever signify that the industrialists concerned with ongoing and future projects shall all go away from this state. The process of industrialisation in Bengal on a sound and expanding agrarian base is important and emergent. We shall have to traverse along this path.
Let me say that we do not support the decision that the Tata's have chosen to take. Yet, we are aware that there is a timeframe fixed for the production of the small car. Things were already running behind schedule because of various factors. Tata's have clearly pointed out that they do want production to go on under Police protection. They wanted a peaceful ambience. They looked to safety and security for the guards they had employed. These expectations were quite in the order of things. The state government had made ample arrangements to look after security.
However, the stat government, at the same time, did not want any happenings to take place that would open the portals for violent deeds to take place. The opposition wanted exactly this to happen: let blood be shed. The blood letting they would utilise shamelessly to widen their kind of politics. The state government would not afford them this heinous opportunity.
The opposition had promised that their agitation would remain peaceful. They did not keep the pledge. Some may view the behaviour of endurance on them part of the state government as weakness. Our principle was that we did not want to have any unpleasant incident on our hands. Those who created the violence that wrote finish to the Singur project for the time being should do a bit of self-search to seek how much of good their deeds have done to the people of Bengal.
On the issue of returning the acquired land, we hold that there is no such proviso in the Indian Constitution. The present owner of the land is the state government. There is no legal proviso by which one can return the land to the farmers or to the previous owners. There is really no need now more than ever to enter into any dialogue with the opposition any longer. The court of law shall hold into the cheques of those who had not accepted them for whatever reason.
If somebody asks of us that we should have entered into discussion with the opposition earlier, our counter-query would be what timeframe are we talking about? Can anyone name just single project where the principal opposition party have come forward on to the table for discussion? There politics is that they will never allow any good to happen to Bengal. The picture is the same whether the project is a roads project or a project for generation of electricity.
We are right amidst the festival season and this is the time when we are faced with a sad and tragic event. The youth must be bitterly disappointed. We could not think that the main opposition party would play at such sectarian, such destructive politics. It is their role, let no one be mistaken, that has prevented the Singur project from going becoming viable and vibrant.

Saturday, September 20, 2008

Interview with Nirupam Sen


“We followed rules. We are now working on a rehabilitation package.” : Nirupam Sen



WITH Tata Motors suspending work at the Nano plant site in Singur and exploring alternative sites outside West Bengal, the prospect of an industrial revival in the State hang by a thread. In an exclusive interview with Frontline on September 3 By SUHRID SANKAR CHATTOPADHYAY , State Industries Minister and Communist Party of India (Marxist) Polit Bureau member NIRUPAM SEN spoke at length on the importance of the project and why it is impossible for the State government to return the 400 acres [one acre is 0.4 hectare] of land to reluctant land-losers, as demanded by Trinamool Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee.


According to Sen, it is not a question of compensation alone but also one of including the poor people in the region in the industrial process.


Excerpts from the interview, which took place before the two sides held talks at Governor Gopalkrishna Gandhi’s initiative:


Q:What impact will a departure of Tata Motors’ Nano project have on West Bengal?


Nirupam Sen:
It is bad news for West Bengal, but I still see a ray of hope. If we can resolve the issue amicably within a short space of time, we hope to be able to persuade Tata Motors to restart work at the plant site.

From the economic point of view, the automobile industry accelerates growth in the manufacturing sector by acting as a stimulant for the growth of small and medium enterprises manufacturing components. It is not just the small car mother plant that had come but also 55 component manufacturers. The number of people expected to get employment in these enterprises would have been more than double the number of people engaged in the mother plant.


Moreover, other component manufacturers were also showing interest in investing in the State; this, in turn, would have encouraged other automobile manufacturers also to come to the State.
This automobile plant is extremely important in India. Every international player has started looking at India as a destination to set up its unit. At present there are three automobile manufacturing centres in the country, in the north, the south and the west, and it was time for the east, and West Bengal had the opportunity to house this kind of a project, which would have accelerated growth, added to the revenue generation of the State government, and increased the employment potential in the State.


With the entire world looking on with interest at this project, the decision of the Tatas has tarnished the image of not only the State but the whole country. If a project of this kind cannot be implemented in the State, it will have an adverse impact on the minds of the potential investors as well.


Q:Was the State government expecting a decision like this?


Nirupam Sen: Well, Mr Tata was naturally concerned because nobody would want the factory to run under police protection. He had hoped that the people of the State would want a project like the small car factory and there would be a peaceful atmosphere in the workplace.


I can understand his point of view. Any investor would want that.


What is particularly disturbing is that those who are agitating in Singur had promised the State government that they would not indulge in violence, nor impede the activities in the factory. Unfortunately that was not the case. They stopped workers from going into the factory. They blocked the passage of some engineers who had come down from abroad to help in the work, and finally forced Tata Motors to suspend operations.


Q:Has the State government spoken to the Tatas to change their mind and give West Bengal one more chance?


Nirupam Sen: Not yet. Let us resolve the issue first. Attempts are on, and with the Honourable Governor, Gopalkrishna Gandhi, taking the initiative and talking with both the sides to settle the issue, we are hopeful of a positive result soon.


Q:Why is it not possible to return the 400 acres to the unwilling farmers, as demanded by Mamata Banerjee? Could the Tatas not have been persuaded?


Nirupam Sen: It’s not about persuading the Tatas; the question of returning land is a very complicated one. Initially, when the project was conceived, it was done in such a fashion that along with the mother plant, the vendors’ park would be an essential component and would be complementary to the mother plant. The Nano is an extremely price-sensitive car. Therefore, when the planning of the project was done, all the vendors’ and component manufacturers’ exact locations were also determined to the best advantage of the project. Accordingly, vendors were given land allotment. So, when the question arises to returning a portion of that land, it will be tantamount to abandonment of the project itself.


Secondly, even if it is agreed that the land may be returned, the question is whether it is possible to return the land acquired under the Land Acquisition Act to the erstwhile owners. In this case, the verdict of the Supreme Court has made it absolutely clear that this is not possible. The verdict states categorically that once land has been acquired under the Land Acquisition Act, it cannot be returned to the erstwhile owners.


Moreover, the Calcutta High Court has upheld the legality of the land acquisition proceedings in Singur and decided that the land acquired for the Tata project is an acquisition for a public purpose. Though the judgment has been challenged in the Supreme Court, until and unless the Supreme Court turns it down, the High Court verdict stands. But, going back to the main point, even legally, whichever government may be in power, it cannot return the land to its erstwhile owners.


There is another important aspect involved in this: of the total land-losers in the acquisition of 997 acres, those who have refused compensation are being called ‘unwilling land-losers’; there is no such term in the Land Acquisition Act. There is no provision in the Act to take into consideration who is willing and who is not. At the time of notification for land acquisition, farmers were allowed to express their points of view at the hearings; we have followed all the rules, never once deviating from the legal path.


But, for the sake of argument, let us take into consideration the ‘unwilling farmers’; the point now is, is their land in a contiguous area or on one side of the location? No. It is spread over the entire site, as the map I have given you clearly shows, and to return such land, as I have said, would mean abandoning the project.


Let us say, for the sake of argument, that we return the land to the unwilling farmer. In order to do that we have to give him access to his own land, and for that we have to take other land also. Is that feasible?


I’d like to make another point. So, we cannot return to the unwilling land-losers the land they held; but we can add up the total amount of land, and that amount we can give to them from a portion of the land in one corner of the site. In other words, we take the land of A, who has taken the compensation, and give it to B, who has refused compensation, taking into account the fact that after the construction of the factory the price of land has shot up.


Would that be morally justifiable? What answer will the government give to the man who gave his land willingly for compensation only to see it handed over to another who has defied the law, and particularly when the value of the land has increased so very much? If they (the ‘willing’ farmers) knew this is what would happen, they would not have agreed to part with their land in the first place. Such a thing would jeopardise the entire land acquisition process and set a precedent that would impact not only the State but the country as a whole.


Q:So what were the alternatives?


Nirupam Sen: First, let us get one thing clear: what is the main issue here? It is whether the government is serious about protecting the economic interests of those who lose their land; whether they are being thrown out or being included in the process of development. In this particular case, the State government has all along been willing to consider all the proposals by which we can protect the interests of those land-losers – particularly the marginal farmers and sharecroppers. It can be through the provision of jobs and through other kinds of activities such as skill-upgradation programmes, and even providing help to set up some kind of business. If your interest is to protect the livelihood of the people in the region, then there is enough scope to do so; and I say they should have a better livelihood after this industrialisation.


Q:Did you consider hiking the compensation?


Nirupam Sen: First, the price given to farmers at the time of land acquisition was considerably higher than the market price at that time. The price of the best land there, just by the National Highway, was not more than Rs.2 lakh an acre then, but we gave much more than that. But it would be wrong to compare it with today’s price because after the Tatas started setting up their factory, the price has shot up.


Secondly, I don’t think merely compensation is enough. I believe there should also be a rehabilitation programme. Whatever be the compensation, it is important that an alternative means of livelihood also be provided; we have been working on that right from the day we started acquiring the land. Almost simultaneously, we issued an advertisement in newspapers inviting applications from employable members of the families of land-losers. More than 3,000 people responded, over 500 of them women and 500 agricultural labourers. They have been provided with different kinds of training; in fact, already more than 1,000 people of the area earn their livelihood from working in that particular plant. So, even before production, so many people have gained employment there.


Not only that, if you look at the local economy, it is evident how much it has grown since the construction work started at the plant site. Branches of banks have come up; recently in a fair organised in the region by Maruti, the company sold 20 cars in one day in Singur alone. A number of motorised rickshaw vans have replaced cycle rickshaws and handcarts; so many people are engaged in supplying different kinds of construction materials – sand, bricks, stone chips.


Self-help groups have emerged. While 40 women have been provided sewing machines, 25 women run a canteen. As many as 350 boys are being given advanced training so that they can be employed in the factory itself. So, you can see there is quite a huge growth in economic activities in the Singur area. All these activities have taken place at the initiative of the State government to rehabilitate the people of the region.


Even after all these efforts if it was brought to our notice that someone had been left out, we were committed to protecting their interests as well. Even if there was no one employable in a particular family for any number of reasons, and there was no other means for them to survive than through land, we were ready to provide relief and assistance to them. We are open to any new ideas.


Q:Is the State government coming up with any plan regarding its land acquisition policy to avoid such fiascos in the future?


Nirupam Sen:
We are now working on a rehabilitation package. Wherever we want to acquire land we discuss with the local people and try to evolve a package. Every industry has its own specific nature, as does every area.

While we cannot compare one with another, there should be certain common features in the rehabilitation package offered. We are working on that. In fact, recently we had a workshop involving economists, social scientists and the chambers of commerce, where we exchanged views and ideas.


We are also continuously discussing among ourselves, with our Left Front partners. We will come out with a publication once we arrive at a comprehensive consensus.