Wednesday, June 16, 2010

Development at Junglemahal: Reality vs Falsehood

By Meghnad Bhuian

“Junglemahal”, a word whose use is objected by some. Cloaked in the natural beauty & mystery of the jungle, its origin lies in the word ‘Junglemahaal’. A section of the people believes that this word should be banned as it was, for a long period of time, popularized by British imperialism.

Junglemahal comprises of parts of 5 districts in the western region of the state, larger chunks belonging to West Medinipur & Purulia, followed by Bankura. Bardhamaan & Birbhum have small contributions. In all, 74 blocks under the state’s development council for the western region, of which, 18 belong to W Medinipur, 20 to Purulia & 16 with Bankura. However, not all of these belong to the much talked disturbed region. The Maoists have not even set foot on all of these areas.

The areas plagued by the Maoist terrorism are parts of W Medinipur; Binpur-2(the hub being Belpahari), Binpur-1( Lalgarh), Shalboni, Jhargram, Garbeta-2( Goaltore), Aarsha, Balarampur, Bandowan, Bagmundi, Barabazaar in Purulia; Sarenga & Raniband in Bankura. This apart, Khairashol in Birbhum, parts of Manbazaar in Purulia, W Medinipur’s Gopiballavpur, Medinipur Sadar, Sankrail & some parts Nayagram in Medinipur are victims of the Maoist destructive agenda.

An oft repeated propaganda cites lack of development as the primary reason for the rise in influence of the Maoists. However, we need to appreciate the role of geography as the biggest hurdle; unfertile soil, uneven rough terrain. This region has only 55.45% fertile soil as opposed to the state average of 66.03%. Forests occupy 13.8% of the state, this western region, however, has 19.3%. Has less rainfall comparatively. Marginal workers comprise 8.05% across the state, while this region has an average of 35.7%. IIT Kharagpur, under the aegis of the state’s department of development for this western region has published a comprehensive report on this region, in Jan, 2007, citing 20 of the 74 blocks as being backward. The ones terrorized by the Maoists are Binpur-2, Bandowan, Bagmundi, Aarsha. On the other hand, blocks such as Sarenga, Sankrail, Goaltore, Medinipur Sadar, Jhargram are amongst the most developed. Therefore, the logic of non-development as a justification for terrorism, destruction & murder is a false one.

The real reason lies in the “Jungle” being at the center of the Maoist war strategy. They have chosen harsh terrain, mountains, forest-ridden regions for their so called ‘revolutionary agenda’. Also, it is their stated policy.

These locations, have primarily witnessed secret murders on account of the “revolutionary” activities of the Maoists. History is a witness to the fact that secret murders of individual terrorism had never reared its ugly head throughout the Chuad revolt, Munda uprising or the Indian freedom movements that followed in this Junglemahal area, the reason being social. Junglemahal has, primarily been organized, community based living being the established form. Protests, Resistance, festivals or even daily livelihood have all been united & community led. This harsh, un-fertile, forest ridden region of West Bengal has the essential character suitable to a communist movement. The falsehood of the middle-class, petty-bourgeoisie impulsive ‘annihilation’ has never made a mark in this forest region paved with Mahua & Shal. Pre & post-independence times have seen a series of movements led by the leftists, mostly by communists; struggle for land being at the core. The era of Naxalite delusion saw only a handful of villagers from a few pockets in Belpahari, Gopiballavpur, Jhargram, etc becoming workers or sympathisers of certain groupings of the Naxalites, but was never able to establish their tactic of secret murders in this region. Therefore, the Maoists have been completely wrong in their analysis of the situation from the very beginning. They have had to consistently retreat in Lalgarh & the credit doesn’t entirely go to the joint forces. The Maoists have not been able to get a safe haven in these villages, nestled deep in the hills & forests. The villagers are getting increasingly impatient for peace & want liberty from the blood drenched clutches of the Maoists.

Subject “Development”

Their current discomfiture has suddenly reminded the Maoists of ‘development’. That it is the Maoists & their fronts who create the roadblocks to development is increasingly becoming clear to people. It is also a desperate attempt at shoring up their image with the urbane intellectuals that development makes an entry into the destructive Maoist lexicon. There are some who, frustrated by the complete failure of the Naxalism, but unable to accept this truth, are taking up the pen again, having lived a good part of their lives in the safe confines of the city. They are trying to prove 2 things, 1) No development in this region for the last 34 years; 2) Maoists have apparently started off developmental work in the two blocks of Binpur since Nov, ’08.

What would this development be? Before we start judging this, we need to see the path that development has taken the last 34 yrs in these blocks of red Junglemahal. We should also parallely study the general Maoist position on all matters related to development & what the CPI(M)’s position has been on development?

The party program approved by the 9th congress of the Maoists, in 2007 says – no development is possible in the current structure of the state. Development is not a part of their political position. In fact, they consider even partial development, aimed at reducing the poverty of the poor & the exploited, to be a betrayal or revisionism of the revolution. Why, then are they raising this bogie of development? It is just a part of their political strategy. Like all the other bourgeoisie-capitalist parties & the media, they too want to establish, with this false propaganda, the left front having done nothing for the poor man.

The CPI (M) view on development, however, is completely clear. In his book, ‘Cynicism in the name of Maoism’, Comrade Anil Biswas has rightfully stated, “West Bengal is the foremost state in the entire country in matters of poverty alleviation & human development indices. The left front government has always advanced by establishing a clear difference in its policies vis-à-vis other parties. There is a fast growing disparity on economic, social & regional lines. How does one then fantasise that a left front government, just an oasis amidst this environment of extreme capitalism & liberalisation, can shield West Bengal from its disastrous affect. Parallely, CPI(M) in its 21st congress under the resolution of “ The Left front government & our work” has proposed, ‘ To expect a left front government, born out of democratic revolution to override the obvious reactionary effects of hyper-capitalism, & bring about socialism or even a left alternative is not in the realm of reality. The party will try creating & implementing the “Alternative Policy”, highlighted in the party manifesto & protecting the interests of the poor & the dispossessed sections of society to its fullest.

The left front government primary objective is to try protecting the interests of the weakest sections of the society in this hyper-capitalist environment. So is the perspective of development & the class direction! Therefore, by putting such a government into danger, making the CPI(M) the primary target of attack, what could be the possible revolutionary objective being achieved by the Maoists? In reality, they are disarming the weakest sections, which are battling the neo-liberal economic policies & imperialism.

What has been the role played by the Maoists on the subject of development? They have willfully destroyed government property one after the other, forgetting that these have been built with the common man’s money & for his development. Neither have they faltered in brutally beating up poor workers engaged in developmental work, in Kankrajhod, on 4th Dec, 2004, for their rasta-roko campaign. The govt, in Belpahari had taken the decision of creating a lake to enhance farming. The Maoists, betrayed their true element by even threatening the poor villagers to sabotage this. It is their terrorist obstruction which has prevented 20,000 pattas of land from being distributed in West Medinipur & Bankura forest regions. So much for speaking up for development!!

On this issue, let us once go back to Nov, 2008. On the 2nd of Nov, at Shalboni, the convoy carrying the Chief Minister, Buddhadev Bhattacharya, Union Steel minister, Ramvilas Paswan was exploded using an IED by the Maoists. While the Maoists have taken responsibility for this murderous attack, their new-found ally in the state, Trinamul’s leader, Mamata Banerjee curiously, dubbed this‘eyewash’. Right after this, from the 6th of Nov, they unleashed terror in 2 blocks of Binpur, Jhargram, Garbeta-1, Sarenga, Balarampur, etc; obstructed & even destroyed roads, gutted bridges, murderous attacks on CPI(M) workers & even their family & quite a few murders too. A resident of Aamlia village, Lalgarh, Trinamul leader Chattradhar Mahato became the spokesman of the newly created committee, “PCPA”, its main office in Lalgarh bordering Dalilpur Chowk in Shinjua panchayat.

This committee quickly announced its charter comprising 11 demands. These ranges from abrogating the conspiracy case against Shashadhar Mahato, stop police vigil from 5-6 pm, cancel all chargesheets against arrested Maoists since 1998 & other such demands to facilitate destruction. There is not a single one involving developmental issues! Thereafter, at a press conference at the Press club on the 29th of Jan, 2009, Chatradhar admits that they haven’t raised the issue of development in their movement since the 6th of Nov, their movement being primarily against exploitation & for democracy. Chatradhar, that day, with a fair bit of élan, had proclaimed, ‘it is not that the moment I ask for development, it will be given. It takes time’.

Surprising, this bogie of development is being brought up again to the forefront while discussing this region. This time too, it is both the Trinamul & the Maoists who, together are attempting to confuse the people of this region by harping on this issue. Reason, the imminent elections! Ravaged by cynicism, anarchy, the people of Jhargram in the last Lok Sabha elections returned the Left front candidate with a lead of 2 lacs, 92 thousand & 345 votes over the joint opposition. The left front won this LS constituency comprising the Binpur, Jhargram, Shalboni areas. Therefore, let’s raise the boogie of development again! Not just in the Junglemahal area, the attempt is to embroil the entire tribal population in the state. What chilling hypocrisy!

Land Reforms

It is imperative that we judge the overall development of this region, the principal point being land-relations. Land reforms have taken place in this state, though not ideal, something impossible in our country’s governance structure. However, by leveraging the provisions provided by the constitution, it was pushed to the hilt in Bengal. So far, more than 13.13 lac acres have been acquired in Bengal, off which 11 lac acres have been distributed. The rest have been stopped through litigation by vested interests, quite a few of them Trinamul leaders now, some workers. So much for “Change”.29lac, 85 thousand persons have received pattas of the land distributed so far, which includes about 11.1 lac from the scheduled classes. Adivasis have received 5.37 lac pattas. In Bengal, the scheduled classes & adivasis form 30% of the population whereas they have received 55% of the pattas distributed. Interestingly, Jadavpur Univ professor, Amit Bhattacharjee, curiously claims, in his article in the Economic & Political weekly that it was Charu Mazumdar who first raised the demand for total land reforms. He also goes on to allege that the distribution of land has not touched the Junglemahal area, including Lalgarh. But then, absolute land reform has been the primary demand of the Indian Communist movement from the very beginning. The CPI (M), born on 1964 led movements across numerous states in the country on this demand. Therefore, to ascribe this demand to a person, let alone the Naxals is completely erroneous.

It is under this situation that the Bengal Left front government has kept pushing the agenda of land distribution. Why just the left front government, this demand had set on fire the kishan movement across the state. Even then, the Naxal faction had dubbed this revisionist. Statistics prove that 8727 hectares have been declared excess by the state government in just the Binpur-1 block area, better known as the Lalgarh area now, about 7953 hectares + in Jhargram. The number of families covered by the land reforms here total 26,878. Garbeta-2 block, better known as the Goaltore area has seen an announcement of about an excess of 7051 hectares. Patta recipients number 20,666 families here. Shalboni has seen distribution of 10,439 hectares of land amongst 30,855 families, 1961 hectares in Gopiballavpur, 3680 hectares in Nayagram. 73% of the total land is in the possession of small & mid-sized farmers. As across the state, excess land has been distributed amongst the landless in this region.

Incidentally, the Yojana Commission in its report, in 2008, ‘ Development challenges in extremist affected areas’ has said that land distribution as per the land ceiling act in the states of West Bengal, Kerala & Maharashtra is unmatched across the country. It goes on to say “Acquisition of excess land as per the land ceiling has ceased in most parts of the country for the last 3 decades. It is as if there is no opportunity at all left in this regard.’ The only exceptions are West Bengal & Kerala. In this regard, it is important to mention the land distribution activity in the forest areas. It has been possible, so far, to distribute 18,360 pattas in these areas, resulting in the forest dwellers getting in excess of 8000 hectares. Currently, Maoist terrorism has resulted in a failure in granting about 20,000+ pattas. They need to accept responsibility. Development?

Development of Adivasis & West Bengal

5.5 % of the state’s population is Adivasi, totaling about 44 lacs, of which, according to the 2002 population survey, 22.24lac being male & 21.83 lac female.28% of Bengal’s planned expenditure is targeted at scheduled castes & tribes, out of which a disproportionate share, vis-à-vis their population is spent on Adivasis-7.9%. This is unmatched by most of the states in the country.

Nowhere in the country is there a pension plan for the tribal aged. Bengal has it. The aged, above 60 & living below the poverty line is supported by a pension in this state.1.21lac persons were covered by this scheme in the yr. 2008-09, provided with 750 rupees per month. It is being planned to enhance the coverage. All this funded by the state.Rs.16,50,256 was spent in Purulia on this scheme in the yr,08-09. This pension covers about 50,000 persons in the 3 districts of Purulia, Bankura & West Medinipur, at a total expense of Rs.48cr. While it has no plans to introducing this scheme across the country, the center has applauded the state govt. on this initiative.


The government has also focused on the task of spreading education amongst the tribals. Statistics show that, in 2008-09, Rs.5.05 cr was spent to enable 3.05 lac students to buy books & examination charges. Significantly, this scheme covered 15,352 students in the yr.77-78. 48000 students across 1395 colleges were provided with grants for hostel stay in the yr, 08-09, totaling Rs. 26 crs. In the yr, 07-08, 3.6 lac students were provided with Rs.1.72 crs for transportation to colleges. This scheme, providing transportation relief is unique across the country. This apart, 40,000 of the brightest students have been helped with Rs.45 lacs for higher studies. The subsidy for post-Madhyamik students in the scheduled castes & tribes is to the tune of Rs.10.71crs.The state’s 5 Eklavya colleges have 2100 students & the govt has spent Rs.3.6 crs on their education. Interestingly, the central govt provides only Rs.2.5 crs for building Eklavya colleges & our state government spends double that amount & creates the education infrastructure. Rs. 15 crs is being spent to build 5 Pandit Raghunath Murmu colleges.

The government has also put special focus on educating the Adivasi girl child. Amongst other blocks, Belpahari too has a residential girl school. It is important to mention the efforts of the govt in getting recognition for the Santhali language & its cirricullum. The cynics have pointed towards this, whereas it is the pressure of the left front which has forced the central govt to grant this recognition. It is in Goaltore, very close to Lalgarh, parts of which have been destabilized by the Maoist, where students of the Santhal Revolt centenary College are being taught in the Santhali medium. West Medinipur itself has 57 primary schools where the Alchiki script is taught. In order to further improve the study of & in this language, 1103 out of 1171 adivasi primary teachers have been provided training on the Alchiki script.

Well, that explains a certain letter which reaches the assembly. This letter has been sent by a school, Pandit Raghunath Murmu Memorial School, in the Ramgarh “Shaluka” of Lalgarh. This is a Santhali medium school. The villagers themselves had built this school. The managing committee of the school mostly comprises local leaders of Trinamul & Jharkhand parties. The same coalition rules over the panchayat too. This missive signed by the Panchayat Pradhan, A.N. Dule, member , Dukhi Soren & 9 other members says, “ The West Bengal government, on the 5th of July, 1979, gave recognition to the Alchiki script to aid studies in the Santhali language, approval no. W-311. The government took it further & by the yr. 1982-83, textbooks up to Class -5, in the Alchiki script, were printed…..” West Bengal is unique in this regard, across the entire country of India. The letter further states,”…It is with the intent of uplifting the education of the Santhali students that we teach this from Class-1 to Class-4.” Their demand in this letter lies ensconced right in the very center of the state govt’s policy. Significantly, apart from the 57 schools in West Medinipur, there are many such schools in Purulia, Bardhamaan & Bankura.

In tandem with education, employment programs have been executed too. Work education programs have been created for the Adivasi students of this state. 400 students have studied in Polytechnics in the yr. 2007-08 alone. The govt has also run numerous programs along with ATDC, CIL, TCPC. The Central govt has been forced to acknowledge the consistent development programs for the Adivasis, even providing a bonus of Rs.3 crs for the state. This part, the state has been leading in its endeavour to create self employment programs for the adivasis, deserving of special mention are the plans to strengthen the Adivasi woman. This scheme allows a Adivasi woman to do business with a capital of around Rs.20-25 thousand, 90% of which is given as a loan. This is provided by the state’s “Adivasi Unnayan Nigam”. The remaining 10% is provided by the state as a grant or a subsidy. West Bengal has 65% more than all the women across India who have benefited from this program, fiscal yrs. 06-07 & 07-08. These 2 yrs have seen more than19,000 benefit from this scheme, 55% of which lies in the three districts of Purulia, Bankura & West Medinipur. Interestingly, more than 80% of the loans taken in these 2 yrs have been repaid, unparalleled across the country. The central Adivasi development committee have come & conducted a detailed study of this success, post which not only have they praised the state’s role but also formally mentioned, by written communication, that Bengal should be the model for the entire country.


Now, specifically, the second program that began, solely for Adivasi women, is the subsidy for their self-help groups. Under the supervision of the state’s Adivasi development cooperative corporation, 3000 adivasi women self-help groups will be provided subsidy to strengthen production & promotion. A majority of these groups are based out of West Medinipur, Bankura & Purulia. Rs. 5 cr & 26.4 lacs will be spent on this account. It has been reported that work has already commenced. In Bankura, Medinipur, Purulia, there are 14 such blocks where the Adivasi population exceed 90%. These are named ITDP blocks. Small infrastructure projects such as roads, ditches, irrigation canals, culverts have been funded to the tune of Rs.13.1 crs in the yr., 2008-09. The state has plans of spending about Rs.10.14 crs on employment generation programs.

Recently, the state has embarked on another program, identifying, thru a comprehensive survey, all the adivasi farming families caught in a debt trap with local Mahajans. The pilot in Doars identified 41 such debt-ridden families & now the govt plans to extend the survey to all the 18 districts, esp., targeting the adivasi majority blocks, which wd be done first. However, special plans will be made for the Mao-terror affected & bloody region of Junglemahal.

We have seen significant progress in reaching clean drinking water to these 3 districts, characterized by an extremely dry terrain & a lack of water sources. It is worth mentioning here that, Amit Bhattacharya’s article which credits the Maoists for mini-development projects & installation of submersible pumps, is clearly based on ‘hearsay’. It wd be to his benefit to know that his data is completely false. He should know that prior to the Left front coming into power, not even 10% of the mouzas in this Junglemahal region had tube wells providing drinking water. Currently, there is not a single inhabited mouza without one. 69 irrigation schemes have been started. Thousands of fresh water wells have been dug. A Mahkuma hospital apart, 13 block health centers, 335 health sub-centers have been opened in Junglemahal. The number of beds has increased by 346. A 60 bed hospital is being built at Belpahari.3284 child health clinics have been instituted. Lakhs of people have benefited with these programs that provide care to pregnant mothers, the new born child & children up to 6 yrs of age. 90% of the homes have now constructed toilets, and health consciousness has grown. The mortality rates of pregnant women & babies have come down. Rs. 35.74 crs of money has been spent in the fiscal 08-09 to provide drinking water to these 3 districts. This year might see a spending of another 40 crs. This apart, the irrigation projects have an outlay of Rs.15 crs, just for this 3 districts. There are 30 schemes to bring water to villages through pipelines at Purulia, 51 in Bankura & 64 in W Medinipur. In all, 185 such schemes are benefitting 15.03 lac people, which comprises of 1.37lac adivasis. In all the 3 districts, all adivasi majority villages are being provided drinking by laying water pipes. The govt, in the last one year has provided drinking water to 2258 colleges.

In all the 3 districts the state has emphasized improvement in the nutrition available to children & the just born. There are 74 ICDS projects & 17,932 anganwadi centers in this region, covering about 10 lac, 54 thousand, 317 people.

In this period, these 3 districts have been given 776 kms of permanent roads, with another 274 kms being work in progress.

Under the Indira housing project, 29,970 families, living below the poverty line, have been provided with housing, by Dec 2009.The state has undertaken creation of another 15 thousand houses.

The 100 day work project – Obstacles & Progress

It seems that the Kishenjis have apparently initiated the “ Lalgarh rural employment guarantee scheme( Maoist)” at Lalgarh. Amit Bhattacharjee says so in his article. He apparently landed this nugget of wisdom in an English daily, dated 24th June, a page dedicated to the yr.2009. Shocking!? For people who do not believe in a parliamentary democracy, consider the country’s middle-class as petty bourgeoisie, how do they take as gospel reports of a commercially motivated newspaper dependant on ad dollars from greedy multinationals? This is an example of the depths ideological poverty could go to. However, the entire responsibility of the debilitating loss caused to the NREGA & 100 days work programs goes completely to the likes of Chatradhar Mahato & the Maoists. Inspite of such a negative ideology, on a whole, the outlay for the 100-day work program in Purulia has increased by 179% & work days have grown by 147%. This is a record! The progress in Bankura & West Medinipur is equally worth a mention. In all, the work days in this Junglemahal region this year has grown by 103%.

In Bankura, the adivasis have contributed to 20.24% of the gross workdays created, 24.99% in West Medinipur, 25.96% in Purulia. A recent report of the state govt says – firstly, in the case of the 100-day work program in West Medinipur, Rs.59.592crs has been spent till Dec, 2008. The amount spent from Jan, 2009 till Dec, 2009 has increased to Rs.117 crs, 51 lac & 4 thousand, the rate of growth being 97.19%. In this district the no of workdays (man days) have grown by 41 lac, 79 thousand, rate of growth being 84.87%. Bankura, in the same period has seen the expenditure increase from Rs.50.358 cr to Rs.90.298 crs, rate of growth – 79%. In Bankura, the man days have increased to 66.95 lacs, an increase of 94.79%. It has increased by 146.95% in Purulia, actual expenditure increasing from Rs. 25.11 crs to Rs. 70.19 cr, an increase of 179.57%.

The Adivasi cooperatives, Lamps are being used to facilitate these 100-day work programs. There are 63 such Lamps. The picture would be left incomplete without mentioning that quite a few pantheist in this region have not utilized this 100-day work program. The reason, the adivasi loving Maoist & their sympathizers! They have completely destroyed the atmosphere conducive to work. We can use a couple of panchayat samities for a comparison. Binpur-2 had only a couple of panchayats to avail of this 100-day work program, Binpur & Andharia, with 2731 workdays created last year, of which Andharia has only 5 days. Significantly, this panchayat is run by a Trinamul-Jharkhand party coalition. On the other hand, Binpur -2 panchayat samiti, better known as Belpahari, saw all its panchayats, with the exception of Bhulabheda, implement this program. In comparison with the Binpur-1,Lalgarh samities, the workdays created were much more – 68,150 days. While both these samities are plagued by Mao terrorism, it is important to note that the Belpahari area had a CPI (M) run panchayat samiti, having come into power after 20 long years. The CPI (M) workers have tried their best to keep the atmosphere conducive for executing this program.

Therefore, it is crystal clear that the Maoist point of view towards development is the extremely opposite to the CPI (M) efforts. This, unfortunately, is being exploited by the Trinamul leaders in places such as Lalgarh, garnished by the fantasies spun by a few Kolkata based Maoist websites egged on by intellectuals such as Amit Bhattacharjee.

In the subject of development, it is important to compare the other states of India with West Bengal. Since the Maoist & its sympathizers have repeatedly raise the bogie of Adivasi development in the Junglemahal region, let us see how a similar state, Jharkhand has fared. Jharkhand’s current chief minister, Shri Shibu Soren has always demanded the inclusion of the border areas on Bengal side to be merged with its western areas. The Maoists, with an ingeniously flawed logic have even supported this demand. But this sate which was built & known as one belonging to the adivasis doesn’t even have a department for adivasi development, 10 years since its birth. Numerous hunger related deaths have been reported every year since 2000, a single month of Nov-09 saw 20 deaths caused by hunger, which included 3 children. This is unimaginable in Bengal.

Bengal has 555 grain silos in the Adivasi region, none in Jharkhand. Neither do they have any plans. On the other hand, Bengal has further sanctioned another 500 such silos. Locations are being identified. An expenditure of Rs.2.5 crs will be incurred on this account, each costing about Rs.50k. Adivasi villages, during the cropping season, deposit a part of their output in these silos, to be used in times of low or bad yields. The last 4 years have seen the construction of 555 such silos, 250 of them coming up in the fiscal, 07-08 itself. As stated earlier, these help bridge the shortfall in agri output in the less-fertile regions of the state.

The idea of Jharkhand created its space in Indian politics by seeking a state for the indigenous Adivasi population. Yet, this very state, in its 10 yrs of existence, having had governments of all the national parties, has not seen a single piece of such infrastructure. The result being countless hunger-deaths! In 2008, 3 children died due to hunger in the Birhar colony, Jharnakund village in the Jhumari Talaiya block in Koderma. Bithahit, in Chatra district saw 9 people of the Bega tribe die due to hunger. There is nothing more pathetic than hunger-death in a country like India, but what takes the cake is the Shibu Soren government’s attempt to pass off all these deaths due to poisoning. However the committee, instituted to investigate these deaths, has clearly stated hunger as the reason. This apart, Jharkhand doesn’t come anywhere near to Bengal on parameters such as education, self-reliance, health of the adivasi people. Why then this Maoist chicanery?

But is all this enough? The CPI (M) does not think so. The state govt has identified 4612 villages which are languishing. The last year has seen a separate allocation of Rs.17 crs, apart from all the other schemes. But then, it is important to understand that comprehensive development is impossible in the current ultra-capitalist econo-political environment. For real sustainable development, a government which fundamentally identifies with the people is required, for which you need a fundamental change of the politics, the environment, right at the center, across the nation, not just a state. Well, as long as all this is reality, we communists have to keep fighting to protect & extend the limited means the poor can use & go ahead in life. In reality, these efforts of taking development ahead, whatever little is possible, along with the people, is actually in line with the objectives of class struggle. We want to grow our class-conscious actions. This is the reason why the CPI(M) continuous to identify the weakest areas, a sensibility developed by a clear understanding of the constraints of the current system. The imperialist-bourgeoisie refuses to work for the people even when there are opportunities, it is for the CPI(M) to take up these initiatives.

The Maoists clearly do not think so. The policy of keeping themselves & the people away from developmental work only strengthens the fundamental objectives of the ruling class. Why? Comrade Lenin’s analysis was – ‘The petty-bourgeoisie, driven by the madness of the horror named capitalism, is a social reality, a specialty, which like anarchy, exists in every country. The instability of such a revolution, its sterile nature & a tendency to quickly surrender, cynicism, fantasy & even petty-bourgeoisie whims & mad frenzy is known to all.

Tuesday, June 15, 2010

Left-ruled Governments' Budgets as Policy Alternatives to the Union Government Budget

By Subhanil Chowdhury


The Left-ruled governments of West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura are the bulwark of the left movement in the country. These governments even while working within the overall policy framework of a bourgeois landlord state and a neo-liberal setting, have been the fountain head of alternative pro-people policies aimed at ameliorating the conditions of the poor and the common man. These policies are in sharp contrast to the policy formulation of the UPA Government. We provide below a detailed exposition of these differences on the basis of comparative study of the budgets presented by the UPA Government and the three Left-ruled governments this year.[1]

Economic Policy Orientation of the UPA Government[2]

One of the defining feature of the economic policy of the UPA Government is its pro-rich stance. As a part of this overall policy direction, the total tax concession provided by the Government (in 2009-10) has been Rs 502299 crore, out of which tax concessions provided to the corporate sector amounts to Rs 79554 crore and to income tax payers the total concession is Rs 40929 crore. Additionally, another Rs 26000 crore tax concession has been provided to income tax payers in this year's budget. As a result of this pro-rich neo-liberal orientation of the UPA Government, inequality has increased tremendously in the country. The Arjun Sengupta Committee report has shown that 77% of the population live under Rs 20 per day. At the same time, India has one of the highest number of billionaires in the world.

On the face of such huge tax concession provided to the rich, the question is how does the government mobilize revenue? The Government has taken recourse to two alternative roads for mobilizing revenue even while providing huge tax concession to the rich. Firstly, in the current budget the Finance Minister has increased the excise and customs duties on a large number of products including petrol and diesel. This decision was taken even when the country has witnessed rising food price inflation of around 20% in December 2009 and even now the inflation rate for food items is around 17%. It is indeed a matter of shame that the government instead of providing relief to the poor writhing under high inflation has imposed further burden on the people. As a result, the inflation rate continues to be extremely high. This is the biggest failure of the UPA government in its one year of existence. Secondly, the government has taken recourse to disinvestment of Public Sector Units to mobilize resources worth Rs 40000 crore, announced in this year's budget. This brazen move towards privatization of the national assets is actually a double bonanza for the rich and the corporates. On the one hand they have been granted huge tax concession and now public assets will be sold to them, again opening up more profit opportunities for the corporates.

Amidst this overall pro-rich policies of the central government, the common man is facing untold miseries. Firstly, there exists the problem of persistently high inflation rate. This inflation on the one hand is a result of the drought last year and on the other hand it is also a result of continuous neglect of the agrarian sector of the economy. This neglect of the agrarian sector has not only resulted in the suicide of more than 200000 farmers in the country but also has slowed down the agriculture and food crop production growth rate. The government has done very little to address the crisis. In fact, public investment in agriculture has consistently declined from around 20% in 2004-05 to 17.6% in 2008-09.[3] Additionally, the government has stubbornly refused to ban future trading on essential commodities which is again a cause of high inflation in the country. With a negative growth rate in agriculture and massive food price inflation, the logical action on the part of the government would have been to increase the allocation for agriculture and food security. But in a brazen anti-people move, the government has cut down food subsidy by Rs 400 crore and fertilizer subsidy by Rs 3000 crore in this year's budget. It is clear that the government is not interested in serving the interests of the poor people in the country.

This overall policy orientation, as enumerated above, is essentially rooted in a belief on the 'trickle down' theory. According to this theory, what is important is that the economy should grow at a very fast pace. Even though, inequality might arise in the initial phase of the growth process, eventually the benefit of growth will 'trickle down' to the poorest of the poor. Therefore, the role of the government should only be of an “enabler” without directly interfering in the market. In other words, the market will automatically take care of the poor. The fact of the matter is that the trickle down theory is false both in theory as well as in actuality. This is because of the following reason.

The trickle down theory, as propounded by the UPA says that tax concessions and other benefits provided to the rich will result in more investment on their part which again will result in employment of the people leading to more income and hence less poverty. This is wrong at least for three different reasons. Firstly, it is not obvious that with higher tax concessions the rich will engage in productive investment. It might just be the case that the rich use up the given tax concessions for consuming luxuries by importing from abroad. Secondly, even if there is productive investment, the consumption pattern of the rich in order to emulate the lifestyle of the West invariably increases the labour productivity in the economy, thereby reducing the employment generating potential. Thirdly, it can be argued that with a higher growth rate, the government can distribute the gains better through fiscal interventions. This is again wrong because in the era of neo-liberalism, such interventions by the state is resisted by international finance capital. Additionally, the growth process under neo-liberalism expropriates marginalized sections of the population. For example, there can be higher growth rate of industrial production along with large scale expropriation of farmers to make room for SEZs.

Therefore, it is clear that relying on the market or a variety of the 'trickle down' theory cannot ameliorate the conditions of the poor in the country. In order to ensure benefits for the poor, it is important that the economic policies have a bottoms up approach where the centrepiece of the strategy becomes uplifting of the conditions of the poor. This is the approach that the Left-ruled state governments of Kerala, West Bengal and Tripura have adopted. We look into these policies in details below.

Policies of the Left-ruled States

The Left parties being the most consistent opponents of neo-liberalism have to devise policies which are in contravention to the policy regime of neo-liberalism even while working under the overall policy set up of the central government. The essential constituents of this alternative policy must be essentially two fold. Firstly, instead of relying on the mythical 'trickle down' theory, the left policies must be aimed at directly benefiting the poor. Secondly, policies of the left should try and protect the poor from the vagaries of the market. It is in this light that we analyze the policy orientation of the Left-ruled governments.

Price Rise and Food Security

On the face of rising food prices, the Union Government has taken no concrete steps to address the problem as yet. However, the Governments of Kerala and West Bengal has ensured that people belonging to BPL are provided with rice at Rs 2 per Kg. In West Bengal it is proposed that this scheme be extended to cover the lowest 20% of the population living above the poverty line. In Kerala too, the government disregarding the difference between the APL and BLP population has decided to distribute rice at Rs 2 per Kg to entire unorganized labourers in the agriculture, coir, cashew, handloom, beedi, bamboo, reed, khadi, small plantations and similar sectors . This is an exemplary step which will not only provide relief to large sections of the population from rising prices but will also curb the inflationary trends in these states.

With regard to food security, West Bengal has again come first in the area of rice production. This has been one of the most outstanding achievements of the Left Front government given the fact that on the eve of the Left Front Government coming to power in West Bengal, the state was suffering from agrarian impasse with large scale food shortages and famine like situation. Kerala however witnessed a decline in paddy production from 2000-01 to 2006-07 from 7.5 lakh tonnes to 6.4 lakh tonnes. This was a result of continuous decline in area under paddy cultivation from 8.8 lakh hectares in 1974-75 to 2.28 lakh hectares in 2007-08. The state government has taken a number of measures to ensure increase in area under paddy cultivation. This includes spending Rs 500 crore on paddy cultivation and soil and water conservation. At the same time, it is also proposed to provide interest free loans to farmers, crop insurance, using NREGA to convert waste land into arable land etc. Tripura has also achieved self-sufficiency in paddy cultivation with the government adopting new technologies and providing cheap credit to the agriculture sector.

Agriculture Development

In the din regarding the growth rates achieved in India, it is conveniently forgotten that agriculture even now provides the largest employment opportunities for the people. Therefore, improving the performance of the agriculture sector is intrinsically linked with the upliftment of the conditions of the people. It is a well known fact that the Governments of West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura have been exemplary in carrying out extensive land reforms in the state which paved a long way for their agricultural development. In this year's budget too, there has been substantial thrust on the agriculture sector contrary to the Union Government.

In West Bengal, for the improvement of productivity and employment in agriculture, irrigation has been given a lot or priority. The allocation for irrigation has been increased from Rs 209 crore last year to Rs 459 crore this year. This will go a long way in improving the irrigation facilities and increase the total irrigated area as a proportion of total agricultural area to 75%. This figure for India is 45%, which is significantly less than that of West Bengal. In addition to this, the government has decided to set up 134 bio-villages and seed villages to ensure access to bio-technology for agriculture. As a result of continued effort of the government in the agriculture sector, the growth rate of agriculture in West Bengal in 2009-10 was 4.2% while that of India was -0.2%.

In Kerala too emphasis has been given to the agriculture sector. It must be remembered that Kerala was the first state in the country to constitute a debt relief commission, including for fishermen. For fishermen alone, debt worth Rs 142 crore has been written off. Additionally, the government has emphasized on irrigation to improve agricultural productivity. Kerala has a huge cash crop sector which has faced crisis because of the global fluctuation of the agricultural commodities prices. The government has decided to protect these sectors in order to ensure that employment generation is not adversely affected and the farmers do not suffer from the volatility in the international agricultural commodity market. Unprecedented amount of government money have been invested in the sectors like coir and cashew to ensure that productivity is improved and these sectors remain immune from price volatility.

Tripura too, in spite of being a remote state has improved its agricultural performance. As already mentioned, self-sufficiency in paddy production has been achieved while sectors like horticulture, forests, etc are being promoted by the government to generate employment and income.

Employment

It is now a well known fact that as a result of the global financial crisis, there has been a large number of job losses in India. UNCTAD has estimated that there has been job loss of 13 lakh people in the year 2009-10 alone. However, the central government has taken no concrete steps to ensure that further job losses in the economy do not take place. It has also not tried to create more job opportunities for the people by going in for large scale investment. On the contrary, the government increased the allotment for NREGA by only Rs 1000 crore, which is actually no net reduction at all given the inflationary situation in the country.

In sharp contrast to the union government's apathy towards generating employment, the Left-ruled governments have initiated exceptional policies aimed at employment generation. Tripura was the first state in the country to announce an Urban Employment Guarantee Scheme in its 2009-10 budget. The governments of West Bengal and Kerala have also announced such Employment schemes for the urban poor in this year's budget. Such employment guarantee schemes will go a long way in uplifting the conditions of the urban poor in these states.

Social Security
The growth process under the aegis of neo-liberal globalization in India has resulted in growing informalization of the work force. Currently, only 7% of the workers belong to the formal sector while 93% belong to the informal/unorganized sector. These workers belong to the poor sections of the population. However, the Union Government has been reluctant to provide social security to these workers. While under the pressure of the Left, the UPA-I enacted a Social Security Act, it was limited only to the BPL population and the Government provided no financial backing for implementing the Act thereby reducing the Act to mere lip service.

In sharp contrast to the apathy shown by UPA government, on the question of providing adequate social security benefits to the workers in the unorganized sector, the Left ruled states of Kerala, West Bengal and Tripura, have provided exemplary social security benefits to the workers.

The NCEUS report on Informal workers social security (2006) categorically states, “As regards statutory provisions [with regard to social security], Kerala leads all other states with the available figures indicating that the large number of Welfare Funds currently being implemented have covered 54 per cent of the informal workers in the State.”

Even in this year's budget the Kerala government has provided substantial social security to the unorganized workers. As has been already mentioned Rs 2 per Kg rice will be provided to the families of all unorganized workers. Moreover, pension and insurance benefits will be provided to the old, widow and unemployed. Moreover, for the first time in the country a fund has been created for the benefit of the migrant workers coming into the state. The government has provided a grant of Rs 10 crore for this purpose.

In West Bengal, the first provident fund scheme for unorganized workers was started in the year 2000-01. Now, it is planned to extend the scheme to 44 new categories of workers including rickshaw pullers, hawkers, cobblers, porters, auto-rickshaw drivers etc. This scheme has also been linked with the health insurance scheme of the central government. Financial assistance has been provided to the workers of closed tea gardens and factories the amount for which has been increased from Rs 750 per head per month to Rs 1500 per head per month.

In Tripura too, pension schemes have been announced for widows, blind persons, bidi workers, etc.

Restructuring of Public Sector Units

It has been a policy stance of the UPA Government that there will be disinvestment of Public Sector Units. This is nothing short of handing over national assets to private corporates for a song. The UPA has provided a distorted logic that the public will be allowed to own shares of these companies. It is a travesty of truth that public assets are being sold to the corporates in the name of the same public. This move on the part of the UPA will meet with resistance by the Left parties.

At the same time, the government of Kerala has shown a remarkable turn around with respect to the performance of the Public Sector Units. The Public Sector which was making a loss of Rs 70 crore in 2005-06 is expected to make a profit of Rs 200 crore in 2009-10. Moreover 8 Public Sector Units will be started with an investment of Rs 125 crore. This is indeed a remarkable achievement on the part of the Kerala government. The turn around of the Kerala Public Sector from being loss making to profit making is mainly a result of government policy whereby major restructuring of the management of these units were undertaken while settlement of dues of banks and financial institutions were undertaken. Additionally a strong budgetary support on the part of the LDF government to the tune of Rs 210 crore in 4 years[4] ensured that the PSUs were in a path towards recovery. This is the alternative model of revitalizing the PSUs as shown by the Left parties.

In West Bengal too, there have been initiatives on the part of the government to restructure and revitalize the PSUs. The process of revitalization has been completed for 4 PSU's, while for 7 more the process is under implementation. With central and state government assistance, out of 16 closed tea gardens, 8 have been re-opened.

Thus, the Left-ruled states far from selling off the PSUs have been actively engaged in terms of revitalizing them.

Taxation

The bulk of the tax revenue in the country accrue to the Central Government. It has been a long standing demand of the state governments that 50% of the central tax revenue be given to the states. The 13th Finance Commission has rejected this demand and has granted only 32% of total central tax revenue to the state governments. Additionally, stringent conditions have been imposed on the state governments to implement FRBM Act to be eligible for various concessions from the Central Government. The Left has been opposed to such high-handedness in distributing central tax revenue and has consistently demanded more power to the states on these matters. On the face of these anti-state government measures of the centre, all the states including Kerala, West Bengal and Tripura are facing severe financial difficulties. Even then, the tax proposals of these states show their commitment for the poor and the common people.


It must be remembered that the state governments cannot collect direct taxes. This falls under the purview of the central government, where the centre is giving huge tax concessions. The state governments collect VAT and certain sales tax, which are indirect taxes. Even in collecting these taxes there is a pro-people orientation. For example, in West Bengal, Kerala or Tripura the items which are used mainly by the common people (like sugar) or those items which are employment intensive have been provided concessions in terms of full relief or partial relief from VAT. However, luxury items like expensive hotel rooms, restaurants, wines and other alcoholic beverages, expensive cars etc are taxed substantially to generate the requisite tax revenue.

Conclusion

From the foregoing it is amply clear that the economic policies adopted by the Left ruled states cater to the needs of the poor. These policies are in contravention to the policies of neo-liberal trickle down variety and take the improvement of the common people as the cornerstone. At the same time these policies provide relief to the people from the volatilities of the market forces. Undoubtedly, the state governments have to function within their limitations. However, the alternative policy stance of these three Left-ruled governments only show that alternatives to the policy dispensation is indeed possible and should be fought for.
Footnotes:

[1] The Government of Tripura has not presented their budget yet. All references to the budget of Tripura is with regard to the Budget 2009-10
[2] All data for the central government and state governments are quoted from Budget Documents
[3] Economic Survey, 2009-10
[4] Kerala PSU's: Demonstrating the Alternative Path by K. Gopa Kumar, published at www.pragoti.org http://pragoti.org/node/3937#attachments

Sunday, May 16, 2010

DEVELOPMENTAL WORKS OF KOLKATA CORPORATION 2005-2010

KOLKATA MAYOR SPEAKS TO PD
From B Prasant/INN

Kolkata, May 16: In a free-ranging interview, Bikash Bhattacharyya, noted legal authority and the serving mayor of the vast metro of Kolkata spoke to PD on the developmental works that had been undertaken during the tenure of the Left Front board between 2005 and 2010. The Kolkata Municipal Corporation (KMC) goes to gather the people’s verdict on 30 May. Excerpts follow.

Water supply

Improving water supply, noted Bikash, ‘has been a major focus of the LF-run board over the past half-a-decade.’ The efforts have yielded results. The piped water supply of potable water has been vastly augmented via commissioning of water treatment plants, booster pumping stations, reservoirs, and what he called ‘headworks’ that included we learnt, covered, underground reservoirs, sinking a big number of tubewells, and revamping the distribution system itself.

Giving examples Bikash pointed to the commissioning of a 260 MGD water treatment plant at Palta, water-treatment plant and pumping station at Watgunge and Gardenreach, replacement of vital electrical installations at the big pumping station at Auckland Square near the La Martinier’s school at the very heart of the metro, and laying of no less than 200 km of big dia pipes across and around Kolkata – a massive project.

Sewerage and drainage

Water-logging has been made much of in the corporate media while ranting and raving against the Left-run KMC board. Kolkata as we know has a saucer-like shape and the main drainage to the east of the city has sadly given away to urbanisation with the horizon-touching stretches of shallow water bodies disappearing.

The principal sewer networks were laid in the colonial period and it consists of a century-old brick sewer of 180 km or more. What causes water logging, other than heavy rainfall?

Bikash informed us of the following causes:
· Reduction of hydraulic capacity of the sewerage system due to silting
· Poor and collapsing sewer lines
· Destruction of wetlands that we noted above
· Old an creaking pumping machines
· Silting up of the ‘outfall’ canals around the metro


The Left-run KMC has undertaken over the past five years a series of measures through upgradation of the sewerage and drainage systems with gradual replacement of the brick stricture with fibre-based gigantic sized tubes – a costly and time –consuming operation. We cannot stop water from being logged, but we could ensure that the accumulated aqua disappeared rapidly enough was how the mayor would put it. The measures taken include clearing the lines, boosting the pumping stations, and re-excavation of the drainage canals.

Solid waste management

This is a bane for any metropolis. The Left-led board has tackled this issue in a uniquely pro-people way. The capacity to collect waste has been increased by nearly 70% and 65% of all households stand covered with more in the pipeline, so to speak. The resources and machines used for waste management have been increased manifold. New disposal sites have been set up with facilities for conversion of waste into useful material. Waste is used for landfill with an environmental-friendly outlook.

Pro-poor activities

Bikash pointed out how 30% of the metro populace still lived in bustees (there are officially 5500 such ‘colonies’) and, thanks to the pro-rich bias of the successive union governments bent on depriving the states of their due share of finance, 22% of the metro population yet languish beneath the poverty line if we are to by the 2001 census figures.

The mayor emphasised on the fact of realisation of the KMC that unless the poor under went uplift and rehabilitation, the city itself could never flourish as a viable urban centre with a vast hinterland. While the direct pro-poor expenditure back in 2004-2005 stood at 5,616 lakh, the present figure is a thumping Rs 13,818 lakh.

The expenditure on providing basic services to the bustees has virtually increased a hundredfold. The water infrastructure development mean that bustees now have more in the way of piped water supply, better sewerage/drainage systems to access, better and improved lighting system, and better and longer metalled for the people to travel on.

The additional water supply lines measure 47, 270 metres, the sewerage, 417, 901 m, and roads, a whopping 857. 083 m. There are now 11, 3854 modern latrines, and no less than the ‘old’ hexagonal latrines converted to modern toilet facilities. 24, 829 lam posts lit up the bustees.

Communist halls have been set ‘up and running,’ the internal pathways of nearly all the bustees have been made into paved ones, whilst on the social side, thousands of mohalla-level communities have been set up to provide gainful employment through self-help and small-scale, plus job-linked training programmes. A BPL list has been published and is again been updated, along with a plan for minority development plan for the metro.

Other sectors where initiates have been set in place in the metro under the leadership of the Left-run KMC board are:

· Health
· Education
· Roads
· Disaster management, and
· Acquisition of land with compensation/ rehabilitation

The past five years have seen the face of Kolkata change for the better. Much more remains to be done. Yet, to the eternal credit of the CPI (M) and the Left Front, the fact remains that the population overload of Kolkata is not increasing exponentially with more population flowing into the developing mall and medium townships across Bengal. We shall look to a better Kolkata every time we look on her was how Bikash Bhattacharyya put it.

Wednesday, March 31, 2010

TOWARDS A NATIONAL SOLIDARITY CAMPAIGN WITH THE PEOPLE OF WEST BENGAL



By M.K. Pandhe


One of the most crucial decisions of the 13th Conference of the CITU held at Chandigarh was the organization of one week solidarity campaign all over India from 18th to 24th April 2010. During the week all unions affiliated to CITU will organize various forms of actions culminating in rallies all over India on 24th April to condemn the heinous attacks on the cadres of the left and democratic movement in West Bengal by Trinamool and so-called Maoist Combine.

Delegates from West Bengal speaking fervently in the Conference gave vivid description of the murderous attacks on the poor and innocent activists of the left parties and mass organizations in West Bengal. Delegates from all over the country applauded when West Bengal delegates pointed out how heroically the working class and the people in West Bengal are resisting these attacks and fight ing back the offensive by relying on the support of the people in the state.

Most of the persons who were brutally murdered were coming from the downtrodden sections of the society, who were involved in the struggle against the anti-people policies of the UPA Government and to protect the interests of the common people. Assassinating the cadres fighting for the legitimate rights of the toiling people has only emboldened the capitalist sharks in the country to intensify their wicked attacks on the popular masses in the country. Though the Trinamool and so-called Maoist gangs talk in the name of the people but in practice they have been hitting at the basic interests of the people. People in West Bengal are realizing the game behind these atrocities but the people of India should know about the true character of the policies pursued by Mamata Banerjee and Psudo-revolutionaries. The purpose of the CITU’s one week campaign is to make working class and the people of India understand the nature of the nefarious cruel alliance built against the left front in West Bengal. Its sole purpose is to overthrow the left front Government and establish the anarchic rule which meets the requirements of the ruling classes at the centre.

WEST BENGAL – OUT POST OF REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT

West Bengal as the frontline outpost of the revolutionary movement in India is running the state administration from 33 years which has become eyesore of the capitalist hierarchy in India. Foreign powers are also keenly interested in destabilizing the Left Front Government since it is implementing alternate policies not suitable to the growth of capitalism in India. The imperialist agencies in India are clandestinely helping the anti-left forces to strengthen their machinations against the Left Front Government. Moral and national help given from the imperialist agencies to electronic and print media as well as political forces who are active against the left front Government which has been a big factor in the campaign against the left front Government in West Bengal.

The attack on the left front Government in West Bengal is only a precursors of the attack against the left and democratic forces all over India. If the reactionary forces inside and outside succeed in their game to topple the left front government it will only embolden them to engineer an all round attack against the left and democratic movement in India. Hence, the solidarity campaign to be launched in India is a campaign to protect the future of our movement in the country outside West Bengal. This important aspect of the struggle to defend the left front Govt. in West Bengal has to be realized by the working class in India.

The last meeting of the General Council of CITU decided to observe a day in October 2009 to express solidarity with the toiling millions of West Bengal and expose before the people of India the vile nature of the campaign against the left front Government. The programme was successfully carried out by State Committees of CITU and the workers and the people responded well to the campaign.

The need to continue the campaign was urgently felt by the CITU conference because the conspiracy against the left Govt. has been intensified and the spate of murderous attacks against the left front activists have increased with Mamata Banerjee becoming desperate to occupy the chair in the Writers Building. With one point programme against the left front, she is making all attempts to align with any one who would be prepared to support her unprincipled design and personal ambitions. Her concept of Mahajot is nothing but an opportunist alliance to achieve her objective of aggrandizement.

UNPRINCIPLED ALLIANCE

The CITU Conference clearly noted that Trinamool Supremo had no coherent policy or principles. She has aligned in elections with all types of political parties. She had no compunction to allow BJP to grow in West Bengal and carry forward its communal agenda. She was happy as ministers both the NDA and UPA Governments. She characterized Congress party as B Team of CPI(M) and at the same time developed electoral alliance with that party. In Nandigram agitation she joined hands with all forces who are opposing the left front Govt. She continued her agitation even after West Bengal left front Government announced that Nandigram Chemical hub would not be developed if the people do not want it !

Her alliance with the so called Maoist is another example of the opportunist politics. She kept mum as a railway Ministers when they blew up the railway tracks. She had no qualms to condemn CPI(M) for the sabotage though it was later found that it was a handi work of the so called Maoists. She prefers to keep mum when arrested Maoist leader admits that Trinamool supplied them arms and logistic support. From extreme left to extreme right Trinamool Supremo had allies in all forces on the condition that they oppose the left front Government !

Her quixotic style of functioning was seen when she expressed her desire to remove red colour from the Indian railway net work. Even her supporters ridicule the idea. She had shamelessly supported the divisive Darjeeling agitation for separate Gorkhaland and she had no difficulty to encourage Kamatapuri agitations simply because it was against the left front Government. She had never condemned the killing of left front cadres through their number is swelling every day! She however demanded withdrawal of the central security forces sent to West Bengal to deal with the so called Maoist depredations in parts of West Bengal !

As a Union Railway Minister her performance is much below the mark. The largest number of railway accidents have occurred since Mamata Banerjee has taken charge of the Railway Ministry. Her attendance to the Ministry is minimal and most of the time she is leading agitations against left front Government in West Bengal.

She approved the Women’s Reservation Bill in the Cabinet Meeting but opposed it in Parliament. This duplicity in her behaviour has brought down her image in the country. As a Cabinet Minister she should have honoured the decision of the Govt. to oppose murderous policies of the so called Maoists but she is openly supporting the depredations of Maoists. It further exposes the hollowness of the UPA Government polices to tolerate her utter duplicity in policy matters. Several Railway Ministry officials privately talk against her handling of the Ministry but Manmohan Singh Govt. due to their opportunist polices is allowing her maverick behaviour.

EXPOSURE OF DANGEROUS GAME

The CITU’s solidarity campaign will explain effectively to the people in India the dangerous game played by Congress-Trinamool. SUCI-Maoist gang up against the left front Government. The killing spree of the cadres of the left front only exposes their desperateness in some how the other trying to topple the left front Govt. in the electoral battle.

The propaganda machine of the left front is moving cautiously but effectively. It has almost become a struggle between the unprincipled opportunist alliance and the alternative policy framework to the policies of globalization and opposition to imperialist penetration in India.

With the solidarity actions by the toiling masses all over India the left front and all the mass organizations supporting the left front will successfully foil the attempts by the reactionary forces to unseat the left front from the Writers Building at Kolkata. The CITU’s campaign during 18th to 24th April next will be a humble contribution to the struggle of the heroic people of West Bengal to defend the glorious traditions of the state. The West Bengal State Committee of the CITU is publishing a documented campaign booklet to help all CITU unions in this nationwide campaign.

Without any concrete policy to serve the people of West Bengal the Trinamool and its allies can not keep their hold on the people. Dissention within the party had cropped up due to authoritarian style of running the party apparatus. Many sections who supported Trinamool have now started speaking openly against the reckless policies of Trinamool Supremo. Despite offer of two Cabinet posts Trinamool agreed to take only one post because no one can be equal to the Trinamool Supremo. However, the wound created in the minds of the persons concerned cannot be healed by demagogic speeches.

Several Congressmen have expressed their opposition in private to the Congress Trinamool alliance due to humiliation imposed on the Congress Party by the Trinamool Supremo. The murder of the Congress leader by Trinamool goons is not taken kindly be several Congressmen. Opposition of Trinamool to every development project in West Bengal is also not appreciated by several congress leaders. The opportunist alliance is on shaky ground and the left parties will expose their unstable character.

The Maoist collaborators of Trinamool Congress are misusing the name of great Mao Tse Tung who organized a historic Chinese revolution. Mao Tse Tung never advocated individual killing of poor and innocent persons. He led millions of peasants in revolutionary struggle and prepared them for an upsurge against imperialist domination and their Chinese collaborators. Mao Tse Tung never asked his cadre to extort money from the people. But the forces who work in the name of legendry Mao are resorting to extortion, individual annihilation and help the ruling classes by opposition the left forces in India who are fighting against the anti-people the pro-US imperialist policies of UPA Government. Their opportunist support to Trinamool Congress against the left front Govt. in West Bengal proves their ideological bankruptcy. It was also seen in their open support to Shibu Soren in the last elections. This infantile disorder only help the ruling class in India and hit at the interests of the left and democraic movement which is fighting for the establishment of a socialist society in India.

IDEOLOGICAL BANKRUPTCY OF MAOISTS

The CITU has therefore decided to explain in their campaign the ideological bankruptcy of the so called Maoist and their unprincipled alliance with Trinamool Congress which is only helping the reactionary forces in India and abroad in their attacks on the left and democratic movement in India.

It will also be necessary to expose how right reactionary and left extremist forces in the country are making a common cause to oppose genuine left movement in the country.

It is necessary to note here that some extreme leftists in the country have already expressed their opposition to the policy of individual annihilation of the persons form the poorest strata of the society. It is of extreme importance to note the importance of the struggle against the erroneous and infantile ideology of the so called Maoists who are helping Trinamool for their selfish interests, which in the long run bound to fail in West Bengal.

The attack on the CITU activists by the so called Maoists are not confined to West Bengal alone. In Orissa too in Kalta Iron Ore Mine the CITU leader Thomas Munda was kidnapped on 25th January 2010 and brutally murdered and his body was thrown 5 kilometers away a railway station. Case of threatening of CITU union members to leave the union are also reported in the Orissa Iron Ore mining belt. The contractors are very happy at this development.

In Chhattisgarh too the so called Moist murdered Shakti Dey in Bastar area on 9th October 2009. He was mercilessly killed in presence of his family members.

Killing of persons without having any arms with them to defend themselves is not a sign of bravery. The self-proclaimed human right activists do not say a word about the human rights of unarmed persons who are brutally murdered by armed gangs!

The left front and its supporters in West Bengal are fighting heroically a grim battle against heavy adds. The task of winning over the people who did not vote the left front in the last Parliamentary polls is no doubt a difficult task but the determination of the cadres to launch a powerful campaign among the people to explain the pro-people policies of the left front and convince them about their crucial role in keeping the left front Govt. in saddle in West Bengal.

The CPI(M) had heroically faced semi-fascist terror in West Bengal in 1971-72 period and despite martyrdom of over the thousand of its activists and eviction of several thousands of cadres from their place of residence, people in West Bengal rallied behind left front and brought the left front Government in the state and maintained in Govt. for nearly 33 years. No other party or combination of parties remained in the state administration for such a long time since independence.

The CPI(M) has self critically examined the reasons for the set back in the last Parliamentary polls and decided to take corrective measures to improve the administrative apparatus to serve the people more effectively despite limitation provided by the present capitalist system.

Undaunted by the heinous attacks by the Trinamool –Maoist combine the left front in West Bengal has carried forward its powerful campaign to explain its pro-people policies and expose the nefarious machinations of the reactionary forces backed by imperialism. The left front Govts in West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura are considered by these forces as a bottleneck in carrying forward the policies of globalization dictated by World Bank and the IMF.

During the Conference delegates wholeheartedly cheered when they heard the successful election result in favour of SFI in West Bengal and success of the CITU in Farrakka NTPC elections. The left front is rightly expressing its confidence that it would win over the people who went away from it during the last Parliamentary elections and nip in the bud the fond hopes of Trinamool to enter the Writers Building by hook or crook. The glorious historical traditions of West Bengal will inspire the people to rise to the occasion and defeat all conspiracies to unseat the left front in the forthcoming period.

Wednesday, March 10, 2010

Reservations for Muslims


Economic & Political Weekly

Editorial
February 20, 2010 vol xlv no 8
West Bengal needs to be careful in implementing its new decision
on reservations.The announcement by the Left Front (LF) government of
West Bengal to provide 10% reservation in government
jobs and educational institutions to economically, socially
and educationally backward minority Muslims was not
unexpected. The beleaguered LF has steadily lost support in the
past three years, reflected in its electoral performances at various
levels in the state. The losses have been particularly acute in its
traditional support bases among the poor, including the Muslims
who constitute about a quarter of the state’s population. The
Justice Rajinder Sachar Committee report in 2006 had identified
a number of indicators that revealed the social, economic and
educational backwardness among Muslims in the rural areas of
the state. Muslims in West Bengal are mostly residents in rural
areas while they are far more urbanised in other states. The
decision to go ahead with steps for reservation should help the LF
government address the grievances among sections of the minorities
in the state, which have become more open after the findings
of the Sachar Committee that the West Bengal government had
not been sensitive to their concerns.

The LF government’s decision to provide reservation for
backward minority Muslims will take the quota of reservation for
the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in the state to 17%. This along
with the extant quotas for the scheduled castes and scheduled
tribes will keep total reservations below the Supreme Court mandated
ceiling of 50%. The additional groups of backward Muslims
to be included in the OBCs would be identified by a panel comprising
representatives from a number of state commissions and
would exclude the creamy layer, identified as persons from
families with an income of Rs 4.5 lakh per annum.

The recent judgment of the seven-member bench of the Andhra
Pradesh High Court striking down the Andhra Pradesh
Reservation in Favour of Socially and Educationally Backward
Classes of Muslims Act, 2007 as unconstitutional would be relevant
for the LF government. The high court judgment questioned the
effort by the Andhra Pradesh government in correctly identifying
backward sections among Muslims in the state and for acting in
haste in providing 4% reservation for sections of backward
Muslims through ordinances and legislations. The Act was
also struck down as being “religion-specific” and violative of
Articles 14, 15 (1) and 16 (2) of the Constitution.

Insofar as the government of West Bengal intends to identify
economically, socially and educationally backward sections
among the minorities and extend reservation to such sections
to the tune of 10% within the ambit of OBCs, its actions should
not be violative of the precepts laid down by the AP High
Court judgment.

The government of West Bengal has also declared that its
decision to implement reservations broadly conforms to the
recommendations of the National Commission for Linguistic and
Religious Minorities (better known as the Justice Ranganath
Mishra Commission). The Commission's report was submitted to
the prime minister in May 2007 and tabled in Parliament only in
December 2009. This report has proved highly controversial, for
some of its core recommendations run counter to the letter and
spirit of the Constitution and are therefore of doubtful value.
Article 16(4) of the Constitution that mandates equality of
opportunity in matters of public employment does, indeed, say
that “Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making
any provision for the reservation of appointments or posts in
favour of any backward class of citizens which, in the opinion of
the State, is not adequately represented in the services under the
State” and this is the enabling constitutional provision that the
report claims it draws on to make its recommendations. The
report states that the criterion for identification of backward
classes should be uniform without any discrimination between
the majority and minority communities.

While there is no difficulty in accepting the recommendations
on reservations for the backward among the minorities, where
the Ranganath Mishra Commission walks on thin ice is in going
further and recommending 15% reservations for minorities (10%
for the Muslims commensurate with their 73% share of the minority
population in the country). The commission has held that
religious minorities as a whole are deserving of reservation in
educational institutions as well as in government jobs (where
they are inadequately represented). The LF government has also
claimed that its recent decision to introduce reservations for
Muslims in the state is in conformity with this argument and
recommendation of the Commission. It is difficult to reconcile
the recommendations for reservations to religious minorities
with the constitutional principle of non-discrimination on the
basis of religion as enunciated in Articles 14, 15(1) and 16(2) of
the Constitution.

If the LF government is not to find its new reservations struck
down by the courts, it needs to work towards the identification
of only the backward sections among Muslims beyond the
12 sub-groups of Muslims that are already in the OBC list of
the state; the framework for this has been provided by the
Sachar Committee.

finding it difficult to balance the household budget, the committee
wants an immediate Rs 100 hike in the price of LPG per cylinder!
It is in such times that one thinks of the campaigns against
price rise that were once led by the socialist Mrinal Gore and the
communist Ahilyabai Rangnekar. Has the ideology of neoliberalism
brought forth a crass individualism to the extent that people no
longer come together to demand what they collectively want
from the ever resistant capitalist order that torments them? That
order, it must be reiterated, essentially serves the interest of the
khaas aadmi, even as it claims to represent the aam aadmi.

Thursday, February 25, 2010

On the Reservation for Backward Muslims in West Bengal

8th February, 2010 is going to be regarded as a red letter day in the socio-economic history of West Bengal. On this very day Sri Buddhadeb Bhattacharya, chief minister of West Bengal, announced 10% reservation in the field of job for minority Muslims who remain economically, educationally and socially backward.

What is the government announcement?

Religion cannot be the basis of this reservation. The sole criterion is backwardness. From now on 10% job is reserved for Muslims who remain economically, educationally and socially backward. Already there is 7% reservation for other backward classes which reaches 17% with the addition of this 10%. This privilege is only for those Muslims who have been lagging behind. The leading Muslim population will not be under the ambit of reservations. Muslims having a yearly income of Rs.4.5 lakh or above are out of this reservation. Presently reservation will be provided in the job sector. The questions of providing reservations for backward Muslims in education are being discussed and will be finalised later.
What is the process for the identification of the backward Muslims? A commission has been working in West Bengal on this regard. After receiving application from relevant person the commission will investigate the case, summon the applicant as witness, visit the area if needed and will take the decision. 12 sections of Muslims are already in the O.B.C. list. 3/4 new sections are going to be included. Another 10/12 new applications are with the commission for consideration. Our honourable Chief Minister has declared to accelerate the total process.

The total process will consist of three stages. Firstly, identifying the backward section; secondly keeping aside the rich section among them whose yearly income is Rs.4.5 lakh or above; thirdly supplying the identified persons with certificates by the respective Govt. office at the earliest.

What will be the process of implementation? Whether it will be through a bill in the assembly or by an ordinance or by an administrative order—that will be finalised later after thorough observation. The Chief Minister himself has announced the formation of a committee that will look upon the entire situation Representatives from the state Minority Development, OBC Welfare Department and two commissions—Minority Commission and West Bengal Commission for Backward Classes would be engaged in this matter.

Who will benefit?

Muslim population in West Bengal is more than 2 crore. In percentage it is 25. 8.3% of the total Muslim population belong to the OBC list which numbers 16 lacs 38 thousand. In this state the OBC list comprises of 66 communities which include both Hindus and Muslims. Among them 12 communities are Muslim. These are – Jola, Fakir, Hawari, Dhuniya, Kasai, Nasya Sekh, Paharia Muslim, Sershabadi, Bayan, Hazam Choudhury and Pratidar. Apart from these applications from Khotta, Sardar, Beshdar are also under consideration. The number of ‘Khotta’s is greater in Murshidabad and Maldah amounting to about 10 lakhs. The number of these later three communities are as high as 10.5 lakh. In addition to these hearing is going on the basis of prayers from Mahaldar, Abdal, Basni and Kankhalifa. Presently, the number of persons who might be included in the OBC List other than those who already belong to the List is already 12-15 lakh. Apart from this there is a chance of three more communities to be included in the list.

A few examples in this case might be helpful. There is a community among Muslims named ‘Guri.’ Theyare basically fishermen.. Actually they are called so because they catch tiny (Guro) fishes. In my village only, there was a ‘Guripara’. Berhampore has a road named Gurimahal Road. Non-Muslims who catch fish enjoy reservations as schedule castes. The question is that why the Muslims doing the same work will be left out of reservation? In my village only, there was ‘Kolupara’. The Kolus make oil that means they produce mustard oil in wooden machine using cattle power. The number of Muslim ‘Patuas’ can not be neglected. They live in Midnapore and are inside reservation. But ‘Lodha’ Muslims in that same Midnapore are not under the ambit of reservation. The ‘Lodhas’ live on primitive hunting system and their behavior – custom are almost like tirbals but they are Muslims in their religious belief. In Midnapore there are also the ‘Kelas’ and ‘Kherias’ who have many things in common with the Hindu tribes. As Hindu the tribes are enjoying reservation but ‘Kherias’ miss it only on the ground of being Muslims. There is the ‘Ghoshi’ community in Barrackpore and Kharagpur who once came there from North India. They raise animals. ‘Tantias’ live at different places in Midnapore. They are connected with sericulture. There is a community named ‘Dhakuri’ at Amdanga a place very near to Kolkata. They are very few in number and very poor in status. They recycle old clothes by making ‘Dhokra’ (heavy bedspread). There is a community called ‘Penchi’ at Aurangabad in Murshidabad. Their number is considerable. Some Muslims earn their livelihood as cobblers. Hindu cobblers are inside the periphery of reservation but Muslim cobblers are left out of it.

These are the specific reasons for expansion of the OBC list. Presently there are 66 communities. The number will increase. When any community applies for inclusion in the OBC list, a hearing is taken to determine its status. The commission can also take initiative to do so. Today, some people question that number of applicants in this case will not be of a substantial amount and thus will include a negligible portion of the two crore Muslim population. But the reality is different. If all the backward Muslims are enlisted accordingly to the Chief Ministers announcement then the number will not be a small one. In this connection I am going to use some words of Dr. B.R.Ambedkar – Someone will get the advantage of reservation and some others will not as they have different worshipping process, it cannot be so. That means reservation is to be done on the basis of profession. If a fisherman or a cobbler gets the privilege of reservation, it will be so because he is a fisherman or a cobbler by profession, not that he is a Hindu or a Muslim.

The Perspective of Reservation

The first and foremost perspective for reservation is the constitution of India. The constitution makes it very clear that religion cannot be the basis for providing reservations as far as education and job are concerned. This very belief is the manifestation of modern society. Expansion and strengthening of this value stands to be one of the main pillars of modern state polity. But some questions still remain unanswered – what will happen to them who are socio-economically backward due to various historical reasons? The Constitution itself provides the answer.” “Nothing in this article or in clause (2) of article 29 shall prevent the state from making any special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes. “– [Art. 15(4)] It is again stated “Nothing in this article shall prevent the state from making any provision of appointments or posts in favour of any backward class of citizens which, in the opinion of the state is not adequately represented in the services under the state.” – [Art. 16(4)]. I would like to present the relevance of article 29(2) in this case, – “No citizens shall be denied admission into any educational institution maintained by the state or receiving aid out of state funds on grounds only of religion, race, caste, language or any of them.” So it is clear that the Constitution provides enough imperative to the subject of reservation for economic, educational and social backward classes. The second cause is the actual situation of Muslims. A careful observation of the Indian Muslims clearly reveals the intensity of their backwardness. However this backwardness varies from states to states. Rich cultural diversities are integral part of the concept of India. It has many different languages and opinions and as far as the concentration of Muslims habitats is concerned those remains to be scattered regionally. The socio-economic status of Muslims in West Bengal and Kerala varies. But this is a fact that the Muslims overall could not achieve equality as far as job and education is concerned. One cannot find Muslims in sectors like banking service and private educational institutions. Muslims are lagging behind in getting govt. loans. A ‘Fearless’ Bengali Daily has brought out its editorial column ridiculing the CM’s declaration about reservation. It is titled as ‘Love for Interest’. If I humbly ask, how many Muslims work in that particular daily, I am sure of receiving a number which will be microscopic.. The practical situation of today has become the prime force behind reservation. Although it cannot be denied that mere reservation can never be the gateway of development – political and social honesty is needed. If it is not there all facilities are going to leak out through the gaps of law.

A third reason behind reservation is the report of Justice Ranganath Mishra Commission. In 2004 a national commission was constituted under Justice Ranganath Mishra to identify the socially and economically backward people among religious and linguistic minorities. The commission was meant to recommend about the reservation and other development-oriented matters in the fields of job and education for this portion of the Indian citizens. The commission submitted its report to the Prime Minister in 2007. After that no proceedings and movements were seen in this regard. The leftists repeatedly pressurized to bring out the report before the Parliament. Some part of the report got leaked and was published in the Hindu newspaper. Later it was produced in the winter session of the Parliament in December, 2009. The commission has given suggestion on many issues like education, job, administration and legislative system. I am not going very deeply in this matter. Our friend comrade Sk. Saidul Haque has already discussed it on the pages of Ganashakti. I am going to mention the job oriented matter. The recommendations are made considering the 16(4) of the Constitution. While the recommendations were made, the provisions of article 16(4) were kept in mind. I have mentioned about the article earlier. Two recommendations are made. Firstly, 15% post in every Central and State Government department must be reserved for minorities. 10% would be for Muslims and 5% would be for other minorities. If Muslim candidates are not found for the above mentioned 10% posts, then those would be filled with candidate from other minority communities. By any means it must not be done with candidate from the majority part. Secondly, if it becomes a judicial deadlock with the situation which cannot be avoided, the recommendation is that among the total population of other backward classer 8.4% is minority. For that reason from the total 27% reservation for OBC’s 8.4% seat must be kept aside for minorities. This 8.4% would be divided into two parts – 6% for Muslims and 2.4% for other minorities.
Two things are also attached with this issue. One is that in the 3rd paragraph of 1950’sdirective principles of the Constitution, only the backward part of Hindu population was considered and they were recognized as Scheduled Caste. Sikhs and Buddhists were included later. It was done clearly on religious basis. Muslims, Christians and Parsees were not included and the reason behind that was an also religious consideration. Then how does reservation remain a secular process. The commission justly recommended abolishing the directive principles of the Constitution of 1950’s. The recognition of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes should be done secularly. That means, the manner in which a portion of the Hindu population namely Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are given recognition and reservation, Muslims and other minorities should also be given the same privilege of reservation like them.

The Chief Minister of our state welcomed the Justice Ranganath Mishra Commission’s Report on the very next day of its submission to the parliament. West Bengal Government has taken the recommendation and started to work on this matter not bothering about what the Central Government wants to do with the report or about the ‘Action Taken Report’ which has to deliver. The commitment of Left Front Government for the all round development of minorities has been proved once again.

SOME OTHER CONTEXTS

Leftists do not support reservation based upon religion. The Constitution of the country also carries the same essence. But for the upliftment of the backward classes the left has been constantly waging struggles in and out of the parliament and will also continue to do so as far as the fight for ensuring social justice are concerned. But to our greatest surprise we are watching those people are making the highest form of opposition who till yesterday believed reservation to be the only solution for upliftment of the minorities. The basic reason behind this has been envy of the ugliest order. They are actually scared about the reality. They are realizing that their existence will be at stake. The so called movements they were spearheading will now be blunt. The Left Front Government has excluded the ‘creamy layer’ from the ambit of reservation. Two or three days back a traditional organization of Muslims (led by incompetent leaders) has suddenly come up with a war cry-“we want reservations for all Muslims”. The Ranganath Mishra Commission however, has suggested for the exclusion of the creamy layer. If owners of Pataka Industries, Howrah Biri or Wipro start demanding reservations it is going to be an absurd thing. Alas! Many people are forgetting that a minimum level of common sense is required even when you are blindly opposing something. The Left Front Government is committed to ensure the forward march of backward Muslims. The commitment is not only limited to the sphere of providing jobs; it also covers the basic and important questions of expansion of modern scientific education. The entire process is integrally associated with the overall development of West Bengal. And the present decisions of the Government will be recognized in that very spirit.

Saturday, February 13, 2010

West Bengal LF Govt’s 10 % Reservation for Muslims


Affirmative Action Must Be Welcomed

THE decision of the Left Front government in West Bengal to give a reservation of 10 per cent in government jobs for socially and educationally backward Muslims announced by the Chief Minister, Buddhadeb Bhattacharya, is predictably being dismissed cynically as an election gimmick by the Congress party which cannot afford to openly oppose this move. It is, as expected, outrightly denounced by the communal outfits particularly their political arm, the BJP.

The decision of the West Bengal government is based on the recommendations of Justice Ranganath Mishra Commission established on October 23, 2004 to recommend measures for the welfare of religious and linguistic minorities in the country. The CPI(M) had broadly welcomed the Commission and its recommendations.


Though the Commission submitted its report to the prime minister in May 2007, it was tabled in the parliament only in December, 2009. The Congress party's prevarication on this issue is clearly established by this delay. The UPA-2 government is yet to come with an action taken report on these recommendations. It is the normal practice that any report of a Commission constituted by the government of India must be brought to the parliament alongwith an action taken report. This lapse, hopefully, should be corrected in the forthcoming budget session. Only then will the country and the people know how the government intends to implement the recommendations of the Commission.


The Ranganath Mishra Commission, amongst others, recommended that the criteria for identifying backward classes should be uniform without any discrimination between the majority community and the religious and linguistic minorities. It, therefore, suggested that the criteria now applied to determine the OBC status amongst the majority community must be unreservedly applied also to all the minorities. It is in this light that the Commission has recommended reservations to the religious minorities on the lines of the OBC reservation. It has recommended 15 per cent reservation in employment under the central and state governments on this basis. Within this 15 per cent, 10 per cent is earmarked for the Muslim minorities commensurate with their 73 per cent share in the total minority population at the national level. The rest, ie, 5 per cent, must be earmarked for other minorities.


It is on the basis of this recommendation that the West Bengal government has announced its decision. These recommendations are in tune with Article 16 (4) of the Indian constitution which states: “Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making any provision for the reservation of appointments or posts in favour of any backward class of citizens which, in the opinion of the State, is not adequately represented in the services under the State.”



The acceptance of the Ranganath Mishra Commission recommendations will necessarily take the percentage of reservations beyond the 50 per cent ceiling set by the Supreme Court. Since the reservations for the SC/STs and the OBCs at the state level are based on their proportion of population, in some states, the full quota of 27 per cent for the OBCs has not been utilised. West Bengal is one such state where currently there is only a 7 per cent reservation of seats for the OBCS based on those identified as backward classes and their proportion in the state's population. With the current decision, the percentage of reservations under the OBC category will increase to 17 per cent with 10 per cent of this being earmarked for the backward Muslims.

Amongst all other recommendations of the Commission, reservation for backward Muslims was first chosen as they comprise 25 per cent of Bengal's population. Further, in keeping with the longstanding understanding of the CPI(M), the creamy layer will not benefit from this reservation. The West Bengal government has announced that the families with an annual income of Rs 4. 5 lakh or more cannot avail of this.


Inclusion of backward Muslim sub-groups in the state's OBC list is nothing new in West Bengal. At present, there are 12 Muslim sub-groups in the OBC list representing 16.83 lakh people. The state government has now identified another 37 Muslim sub-groups. All these categories come under the category of backward Muslims as identified by the Sachar Committee report. These are the Ajlaf and Arzal categories. The West Bengal proposal excludes the advanced Ashrafs who are considered as the creamy layer amongst the Muslims. The state government has announced the setting up of a committee to identify and firm up the inclusion of sub-groups under the OBC category in order to ensure that the benefits reach those who most deserve.


Ignoring this reality of backward Muslim sub-groups already being part of the state's OBC list, the BJP has, once again, mounted its communal offensive by charging the CPI(M) and the Left Front of appeasing the Muslims. Their anti-minority stance and the vituperative communal poison that they spread is too well known to need any repetition here. Such rabid communal politics is, in fact, the worst expression of vote bank politics in our country which seeks to consolidate the Hindu vote bank based on spreading hatred against the religious minorities. While thundering that reservations cannot be based on religion, they conveniently forget that they continuously promote and defend reservations for the Scheduled Castes and the OBCs strictly within the Hindu religious fold only. It is precisely this logic that the Ranganath Mishra Commission has busted by saying that the criteria for identification of backwardness must be uniform across religions.

The Congress party first needs to explain to the people its procrastination on this report for so long before mounting attacks against the CPI(M) for implementing what is widely recognised today as necessary for the integration of the minorities into the process of building of modern India.


The yardstick of any modern democracy in measuring its success is the status and welfare of the smallest of minorities. The efficacy of any government in a modern democracy is to be measured by its success in ensuring equality of opportunity to all accompanied by proactive measures of affirmative action to bridge the gaps of social and economic inequality. The West Bengal government's decision is correct from this perspective and thus deserves to be welcomed by all Indian secular democrats and patriots.


EDITORIAL,
PEOPLE’S DEMOCRACY
14th February, 2010

Tuesday, February 2, 2010

Maoism at Its Nadir:The Killings in Bengal


By VIJAY PRASHAD

Violence in West Bengal’s western districts has reached crisis proportions. Each day, one or more cadre member or sympathizer of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPM] is killed either by Maoists or the Trinamul Congress (TMC). The Maoists have found common cause with the TMC, a breakaway from the Congress Party in Bengal. Mamata Banerjee, whose authoritarian populism draws from both Juan and Evita Peron, leads the TMC. Backed by the dominant class, Banerjee nonetheless drapes herself in mystical radicalism (didi, or sister, as she is known, becomes durga, the embodiment of shakti, female power). In October 2009, the Maoists declared that they would rather have Banerjee’s right-wing TMC rule Bengal than the Left Front.

The Maoists-TMC has now killed over two hundred people since late 2007 (most are members and supporters of the CPM, with just a few being members of other political parties that are either in the Left Front or else affiliated with it). Ordinary political workers are beheaded and burnt, shot in the head and raped. In early January, Maoists entered the village of Joynagar and killed four CPM supporters; they beheaded two of them, Anath Singh and Hiteshwar Singh, sons of Gopal Singh who the Maoists killed in 2007. Ten days later, TMC members attacked a group of CPM supporters who had just filed their nomination papers for a local election. Dinesh Haldar, Khairul Jamadar, Biswanath Gayen and Salim Jamadar were killed, two of them with revolvers fired into their mouths. These monstrous acts are ongoing, and systematic.

Defenders of the Maoists suggest that the guerrillas only channel the anger of the poor, that this is the politics of rage against a system that has not delivered any goods. In the midst of this bloodbath, the writer Arundhati Roy told IBN-CNN’s Karan Thapar that the Maoists are justified in their armed path. “You have an army of very poor people being faced down by an army of rich that are corporate-backed,” she said. The suggestion is that the Maoists are the army of and for the poor, whose actions are motivated by the failure of the Indian State to deliver on its Constitutional promises. But this is not only simplistic; it is also disingenuous.

About half of India’s population falls into the World Bank’s category of poverty; that’s about 500 million people. Most of them have grievances and aspirations, but these do not lead them to the gun. The poor can be found in one of the many political organizations that seek to widen and deepen the current legal dispensation in India, fighting for the rights of the people through the courts and in the streets. Or else, the poor can be found in and around the NGOs and social service agencies that serve their needs; as well, the poor can be found in one of the many Rural Employment Guarantee schemes set up by the government. The Indian government’s obsession with growth rates for the wealthy diverts the nation’s wealth away from the workers who produce it. Anger and frustration at the system does not necessarily turn to anomic violence of the kind practiced by the Maoists and the TMC in western Bengal.
Poverty does not lead to Maoism. It certainly contributes to it, but it does not produce it. What produces Maoism is the act of making political violence legitimate (even glorifying it). Rather than make the case that there is space within the (however limited) democratic institutions, people like Arundhati Roy trumpet the armed road. Patient work through the democratic institutions produced the important developments for the Dalit [oppressed caste] movement and the working-class movement. For example, Reservations for underprivileged castes did not come from the armed struggle. It was a direct beneficiary of the use of the democratic institutions. The gun is an anthem for the deracinated middle class romantic, but not the glory song for the dispossessed, for whom only suffering comes at the gun’s mouth. It is the dispossessed who die in these armed struggles, both from the guns of the revolutionaries and those of the State.

In South Asia, the recent examples of organizations that thrive on the cult of violence include the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA). The Maoists glorify both of these groups – they have recently procured the arms that ULFA was to send to LTTE. When the Sri Lankan army killed LTTE’s leader Prabhakaran, the Maoist leadership conducted a strike on his behalf (when the LTTE was decimated in Sri Lanka, the Indian Maoists claimed that this would have “a negative effect on the revolutionary movement in India as well as South Asia and the world at large”). To glorify violence, as the Maoists do, does not open the kind of political space necessary for the end to the poverty-making machine that has afflicted many parts of rural India. Their slogan is borrowed from the Italian ultra-left, ni mai piú sin fucile, Never Again Without a Rifle.
The Maoists have taken advantage of poverty, but they have nothing to offer by way of a salve. In the largely tribal areas of interior India, the various extractive mafias are at work drawing out the wealth of the region and providing little for the residents. Raw materials of all kinds, from timber to dolomite, routinely leave the tribal zone with little recompense for the people themselves. The Maoists have entered this highly exploitative and oppressive situation with no plans to immediately assist the grievances of the various tribal communities. Indian Maoist leader Koteshwar Rao (Kishenji) told the press, “We collect taxes from the corporates and big bourgeoisie, but it’s not any different from the corporate sector funding the political parties.” The mafias continue to operate; indeed the extortion payments to the Maoists give them permission to work with license. One estimate suggests that the Maoists make off with Rs. 20,000 million per year, money used, among other things, for the purchase of arms.

If the government attempts to provide any sops toward development (such as schools and medical centers), the Maoists simply blow them up (this is clearly documented by Human Rights Watch in Sabotaged Schooling. Naxalite Attacks and Police Occupation of Schools in India’s Bihar and Jharkhand States, December 2009). It is to their interest to allow matters to remain in stasis within the “liberated zones.” It is specious to talk of the Maoists as liberators: they are infected with the virus of extortion and power.

This brings us back to a central unasked question: why are the CPM members and supporters the target of the Maoist-TMC violence in Bengal? The Maoists and their TMC allies do not kill the mafia, for that is their cash cow. Nor do they turn their guns on local landowners or dominant classes. In Bengal, they reserve their ammunition for schoolteachers and agricultural workers, workers in the mines and workers in the panchayats [institutions of local self-government]; all of whom have one thing in common, an affiliation of some kind in the Communist Party of India (Marxist). This assault on the CPM is not new. In 1983, journalist Praful Bidwai wrote, “Often the affirmation of the revolutionary identity of naxalism [Indian Maoism] means singling out the CPM and the CPI for an onslaught because, according to their theory, those parties can be nothing but obstacles to the popular movement,” viz. the growth of the Maoist parties, which stand in for a genuine mass movement. “The anti-CPM and CPI aspect of naxalism is not new. The point is that it has become increasingly more important over the recent past as the naxalite survival has been threatened.” The Maoists do not fear for their survival any longer; rather, they want to use the weapon of violence in Bengal to enter into a state where they have had limited traction.

The Maoist-TMC conduct most of their assassination and political terror in the region of the Jhargram parliamentary constituency. This is a constituency reserved for tribal candidates. In 2009, the CPM and its Left Front allies suffered a setback across West Bengal during the parliamentary elections. Jhargram was another story. Here, the CPM’s Pulin Behari Baske won the election by almost 60 per cent of the vote. One reason Baske won is that the region’s tribals have been a beneficiary of the long struggle for land reforms spearheaded by the CPM and its Left Front allies. This is not a prosperous region, but it is nothing like the devastated areas in Central India where the Maoists have established themselves. Unable to secure a political victory, the Maoists-TMC has turned to the gun. They assassinate the CPM workers and supporters to terrorize the population against the Left Front.

Vijay Prashad is the George and Martha Kellner Chair of South Asian History and Director of International Studies at Trinity College. His most recent book, The Darker Nations, won the Muzaffar Ahmed Book Prize in 2009, and is now available in French as Les Nations Obscures(Les Editions Écosociété). He is an editor of Naked Punch. He can be reached at vijay.prashad@trincoll.edu.

Weekend Edition

COUNTERPUNCH, January 22 - 24, 2010