Deficiencies Identified, CPI(M) to Fight for Defending Democracy

KOLKATA: THE CPI(M) West Bengal state committee has decided to launch a movement protesting the ongoing attacks on democratic rights in the state. In its two day meeting, on July 16-17 in Kolkata, the state committee noted with concern the all-out attack on democracy and livelihood in the state. Thousands of peasants, sharecroppers and agricultural workers have been evicted from their lands. Elected panchayats at all levels are being forced to either stop work or act according to local Trinamool leaders dictates. The administration is conniving with them. The student unions have become special target for attack and Left leaning students have been forced to leave their colleges. A new kind of terror is in operation. The state committee has decided to mobilise people and build up movement against these attacks. The Left Front has decided to organise demonstrations in front of the state assembly on August 10. There will be a demonstration in Delhi on August 25. The campaign against corruption at the centre will start from July 24.

The state committee of the Party reviewed the electoral performance and identified reasons behind the setback for the Left. CPI(M) general secretary Prakash Karat attended the meeting.

SUMMARY OF REVIEW

The Left Front government has indelible achievements in its tenure of 34 years. However, there were accumulated negative effects too. In the last few years, all reactionary forces gathered together under the leadership of Trinamool Congress. Their deep conspiracy, violent activities, use of money power and constant anti-Left tirade by media has helped in belittling the achievements of the Left Front from a section of people.

One of the main reasons for the negative result is the organisational lapses of the Party. There has been lacuna in class outlook while working in administration and panchayats-municipalities. There has been lack of commitment towards poor people, mechanical work instead of dedication, parliamentary deviation and depreciation of communist values in the Party. That created hurdles in political bonds of Party with people.

There was a lack in understanding and explaining to the people about the limitations of Left Front and the class nature of the State. Therefore the Party had to bear responsibilities of all intrinsic deficiencies of a bourgeois administration. There was deficiency in peoples’ mobilisation. There were ever increasing demands from the people, which was the result of development. However, the Party could not properly explain to people that all these aspirations could not be met due to inherent limitations of such a government. Sometimes, development activities got a narrow character ignoring general demands of the working people.

The Left Front government’s pro-working people priority and image was damaged for a period. There was discontent among people about some areas of development work due to weakness of the government. Lack of coordination and inaction in administration was evident, at least during the last months of the government. A lot of work was undertaken in the last few years for furthering the interests of poor and working people. However, the lacunae were not fully corrected.

The long tenure of the Left Front government and the stability has negatively affected the struggling capacity of the Party and movement. There was lacuna in election organisation too, thereby hindering the process of reaching to all sections with the political stand of the Party. That, in turn, resulted in wrong anticipation.

However, despite a setback, the Left Front has got 41.50 per cent votes. The CPI(M) will try to win back those sections of working people who have got alienated from us and also win over those who are with reactionary forces. This has to be done through sustained struggle.

The state committee has given the following call: work among people, deepen relationship with them, bring changes in the style of work, reorganize.

Prakash Karat, in his observation, underlined the need to reorient Party’s work and strongly fight out the negative trends in the Party. “There have been changes in class relations in the society and we should comprehend that to reorganise ourselves”, he said. Karat asked to link the struggle against central policies and defending democracy in the state.

CPI(M) secretary Biman Basu, summing up the discussion, said, it is of crucial importance to strengthen Party based on class outlook and ideology. “We have to fight back the attacks on democracy through mass mobilisations. This can only be done by patiently listening to peoples’ voices and strengthening bonds with them.”

People’s Democracy, July 24, 2011

Review Report of the Assembly Elections 2011

[Adopted by the COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA (MARXIST) Central Committee at its June 11-12, 2011 Meeting at Hyderabad, A.P.]

The Assembly elections in Assam, West Bengal, Kerala, Tamilnadu and the Union Territory of Puducherry were held in April-May, 2011. With the exception of Assam, in all the other states, there have been change of governments. However, there is no common trend which has emerged at the all-India level.

Firstly, in West Bengal, the Left Front suffered a major defeat. This has come as a big disappointment for the Left and progressive sections all over the country. The people of the state opted for change in a decisive fashion after more than three decades of rule by the Left Front. This result is a setback for the Left as a whole in the country.

In Kerala, though the LDF lost the election narrowly, it performed creditably. The UDF could win by a margin of less than 1 per cent of the vote. The LDF mustered substantial support among the people due to the record of the LDF government and the popular sentiment against corruption and the failure to curb price rise by the UPA government at the Centre. The results of the Kerala election show that a large number of people supported the Left platform and politics.

In Tamilnadu, there was a wave against the DMK regime due to its corruption and misrule. The AIADMK and its electoral partners got 85 per cent of the seats. Here too, the people rejected the DMK-Congress alliance and the issues which arose were also directly related to the UPA government at the Centre – corruption and price rise.

In Puducherry, the Congress which was traditionally strong, split on the eve of the election. The NR Congress which entered into an understanding with the AIADMK won the elections.

It is only in Assam that the Congress won a decisive victory. The Congress was able to win a majority on its own unlike in the previous election. The yearning for peace and hopes aroused by the talks with the ULFA and the divided state of the opposition were among the factors for the Congress success.

For the Congress, apart from the victory in Assam, there is nothing much to be satisfied about. It was routed in Tamilnadu getting only five out of the 63 seats that it contested. In Kerala, the UDF just scraped through a majority which was also possible due to the performance of the Indian Union Muslim League which won 20 seats. The Congress could win only 38 seats compared to the 45 won by the CPI(M). In West Bengal, it is the TMC which emerged as the main beneficiary in the election and the Congress has to be content with being a minor partner. The BJP fared badly in the elections. It got only five seats in Assam where it had 10 last time. It could not win a single seat in other states, whether it be West Bengal, Kerala or Tamilnadu.

The election results and the defeat in West Bengal have led to a barrage of propaganda that the CPI(M) and the Left have been rendered politically defunct. The West Bengal Party and the Left movement have undergone many vicissitudes in the past and emerged stronger. The Party and the Left will not, in any way, cease to struggle for the working class and the toiling people against the neoliberal policies and fight against the communal forces and imperialism.

Drawing the proper lessons from this defeat, the Party and the Left will bend all its energies to reinvigorate the Left movement.

West Bengal

The Left Front suffered a big defeat in the West Bengal Assembly elections which has resulted in an end to the 34 years of continuous rule by the Left Front government. Riding on the slogan of change, the Trinamul Congress led combine has won a sweeping victory getting 227 seats. The Left Front won only 62 seats. The Left Front polled 41.12 per cent of the votes; the TMC combine got 48.54 per cent, thus giving it a lead of 7.42 per cent.

The votes received by the Left Front amounted to 1.95 crore (19.5 million) in this election. Compared to the 2009 Lok Sabha elections, when the Left Front polled 1.84 crore, this is 11 lakhs more. Compared to the Lok Sabha elections, the vote share of the Left Front was reduced by 2.2 per cent. The TMC-Congress combine polled 2.3 crore vote which is 35 lakh more than it polled in 2009 Lok Sabha elections. In the 2006 Assembly elections, the Left Front had polled 50.18 per cent of the vote getting 1.98 crore votes. There is a 10 percentage points erosion in this election which accounts for the extent of the defeat.

Out of the 19 districts, only in three – Coochbehar, Jalpaiguri and Uttar Dinajpur – the Left Front polled a higher vote than the TMC combine. A feature of this election has been the increase in the TMC-Congress combine’s vote share in the traditionally Left strongholds of Bardhaman, Bankura, Purulia and Paschim Midnapore.

The Assembly elections were held in a situation marked by the concerted efforts of the ruling classes and imperialism to weaken the CPI(M) and the Left. These efforts began due to the role played by the Left during the UPA-I government in opposing the neo-liberal policies and the strategic alliance with the United States. They got intensified after the withdrawal of support to the government in July 2008. The ruling classes and imperialist agencies worked to assemble a range of forces to attack the Left in West Bengal, the strongest base of the Left in the country.

The elections were held in the background of sustained attacks on the Party and the Left Front activists. Around 388 cadres and supporters were killed after the Lok Sabha elections in May 2009 till the Assembly elections were held. The Maoists resorted to targeted assassinations and struck terror in the Jangal Mahal region in coordination with the TMC. In some other areas such as in parts of East Midnapore district, it was not possible to conduct the election campaign.

It is evident from the results that the trend against the Left Front which emerged partly in the panchayat election in 2008, continued in the Lok Sabha polls in 2009 and the 2010 municipal polls got further momentum in the Assembly elections. The people have voted determinedly for a change.

The prolonged rule of the Left Front government for 34 years has led to an accumulation of various negative factors which have impelled the people to vote for change. A preliminary review indicates the reasons why this mood for change occurred. Some of them are as follows:

i) There were various shortcomings in the performance of the Left Front government in the recent years. Most of these shortcomings were noted during the Lok Sabha election review. They pertain to the public distribution system, health, education, rural electrification and other developmental and welfare measures. Some of the programmes and schemes were not taken up for implementation. The deficiencies in basic services and their delivery caused discontent among the people.

ii) At the political level, there was an all-in-opposition unity ranging from the rightwing forces to the extreme Left. Apart from the TMC combine which included the Congress and the SUCI, forces like the GJM and the Greater Coochbehar movement supported the TMC combine. The TMC-Maoist nexus was in operation. This anti-Left combination gained momentum in the last three years and was seen by sections of the people as an alternative to the Left Front.

iii) The Singur and Nandigram events brought the issue of land acquisition to the fore. It was used effectively against the CPI(M) and the Left Front by the TMC-led combine to propagate that the Left Front government would snatch away the lands of the farmers. As the Lok Sabha Election Review of the Central Committee stated: “The TMC-led combine has been effectively using this issue to drive a wedge between the Party and sections of the peasantry”. The administrative and political mistakes in this regard proved costly. Despite the assurances that none of the lands would be taken without the consent of the people, the campaign against the Party and the Left Front government on this issue contributed to the erosion of support among the rural masses. The Nandigram events and the subsequent police firing alienated sections of the intelligentsia and the middle classes.

iv) The organisational aspect is also an important factor. The image of the Party amongst the people has been dented by manifestations of highhandedness, bureaucratism and refusal to hear the views of the people. The existence of corruption and wrong-doing among a small strata of Party leaders and cadres due to the corrosive influence of being a “ruling party” and running the government for a prolonged period was also resented by the people. All these have affected the Party in the elections.

v) The erosion of support amongst the working class and the rural and urban poor indicates the failing to consistently take up the class issues. The independent role of the Party and the mass organisations was impaired due to the dependence on the administration.

vi) There was a systematic and concerted campaign against the Left Front and the CPI(M) in particular in the mass media controlled by the corporate sector. This sustained campaign over the last three years has influenced a section of the people particularly the middle classes. Identity politics was fostered to weaken the class based unity of the people. This election saw the use of money in a big way, not seen before in West Bengal. Various NGOs and imperialist agencies were active against the Left Front.

After the reverses suffered in the Lok Sabha polls, some measures were taken at the governmental and organisational level to extend welfare measures and to re-establish links with the people. But these corrective measures could not make the needed impact. The Lok Sabha election review had noted the alienation among section of the Muslim minorities and sought to address the causes. However, the steps taken such as the implementation of reservation in jobs for Muslims under the OBC category came too late to make a difference.

We should examine the reasons for our poor performance in the working class and industrial areas such as in North 24 Paraganas, Howrah, Hooghly and Burdwan. The full-fledged election review which will be based on the information given by all the lower units should enable us to identify more accurately where and to what extent we have lost ground among different sections of the people. Based on such a review, we will have to take the necessary political and organisational steps to re-establish our links with the people and to overcome the shortcomings in the organisation. Steps will have to be taken to streamline the organisation. The rectification work from top to bottom should be carried out.

Seven successive Left Front governments formed since 1977 have many historical achievements. Among these are land reforms which benefited over 3 million peasants and 1.5 million bargadars (sharecroppers); a decentralized and democratized panchayat system which enabled the involvement of the rural masses in local administration and development that became a model in the country; the firm implantation of democratic rights for the different sections in the working people; the creation of a stable secular administration marked by communal harmony and peace.

Despite these important gains, the Left Front government was working within the limitations of a bourgeois-landlord system. Notwithstanding these achievements, the limitations and difficulties of working under an overall neo-liberal set-up also became evident. A more elaborate review should examine whether the Left Front government did enough to implement alternative policies to the neo-liberal framework.

Though we have suffered a big electoral set-back, it should be noted that the Left Front has polled more than 1 crore 95 lakh votes, which is 41 per cent of the total votes polled. This shows that a substantial section of the people voted for the CPI(M) and the Left Front despite the offensive of the anti-Left forces and against heavy odds. In many places, the poor and the working people stood with the Party. We have to base ourselves on this mass support and go towards recovering the lost ground. The Party should be in the forefront of the struggles to defend the hard-won gains and rights of the working people in the three decade of Left Front rule. We should continue our struggle against the anti-people class policies of the Congress-TMC government at the Centre. We have to launch movements in defence of the people’s livelihood and interests. We have to maintain and strengthen the unity of the Left parties and rally the support of other democratic forces.

The Party has to study the changes that have come about in class relations especially after three decades of land reforms and the development of capitalist relations. We have to examine the shifts in class positions with the advent of a rural rich strata. Similarly, under the impact of neo-liberal policies, there are changes that have occurred among the middle-classes and other strata. The class orientation of our work towards the basic classes and the poorer sections can be determined on this basis.

In the immediate situation, the Party and the Left Front are faced with widespread attacks. Violence is directed against the leaders and cadres. So far, 14 leaders and cadres have been killed – 13 of the CPI(M) and one of the RSP. Many have been injured in the attacks. Women have been molested. Scores of Party offices have been attacked and ransacked. Some of them have been captured. Thousands of supporters had to leave their homes. The Ganashakti daily has been targeted and the sellers of the paper are being assaulted or intimidated. Union offices have been occupied or captured. In some places, there have been attacks on peasants to snatch away the right on their lands. In some places, crops have been looted or destroyed. Students unions are being targeted in colleges.

We have to defend the Party and the mass organisations from such attacks. The cadres who are being targeted for violence have to be protected. Along with the Left Front, we should conduct a widespread campaign among the people in defence of democratic rights and to protest against such violence. The attack on the Party and movement in West Bengal should be made an issue of defence of democracy and protection of the rights of the working people all over the country. The Central Committee appreciates the dedicated work and dauntless spirit of the tens of thousands of Party cadres and Left activists in this difficult period. They will get the full support and solidarity of the entire Party and the Left and democratic movement to overcome the present situation.

Kerala

The UDF won the elections to the Kerala Assembly very narrowly. The UDF got 72 seats which is just one more than the majority mark of 71. The LDF got 68 seats which is three short of majority. The LDF polled 44.94 per cent of the vote. This is an increase of 3 per cent compared to the Lok Sabha polls when the LDF got 41.95 per cent. The difference between the UDF and the LDF is only 0.89 per cent.

Of the 14 districts, the LDF polled a higher percentage of votes than the UDF in eight, while the UDF could poll a higher vote in six districts.The difference in overall votes polled is 1 lakh 55 thousand between the two fronts. However, the UDF got a lead of 3 lakh 69 thousand in Malappuram district alone. This means, that minus this district in the rest of Kerala, the LDF had a lead of over 2.14 lakhs.

The elections were held in the background of a national political situation where the image of the Congress-led UPA government was sullied by large-scale corruption and its failure to curb price rise. Both these issues had an adverse effect on the Congress-led alliance in the state. In Kerala, in the months before the election, the issue of corruption came to the fore with the sentencing to jail of a former UDF minister by the Supreme Court for corruption. The ice cream parlour sexual abuse case involving another former minister was also revived by new revelations.

A significant feature of this election was the absence of any antiincumbency feelings among the people. The record of the LDF government with pro-people development and comprehensive social welfare measures found appreciation among the people. Measures such as rice at Rs. 2 per kilo for families beyond the BPL criteria, increase in pensions for all sections of working people, welfare measures for fishermen, opening of closed plantations, assistance to workers of traditional industries and revival of the State PSUs as profit-making institutions – all contributed to garnering support from the people. The last budget presented on behalf of the LDF government had many pro-people measures which also got a positive impact among the people.

Apart from the performance of the LDF government, there were some other factors which contributed to the near success in ending the cyclical change of government every five years. The LDF was more united. There were no disputes about seat allocations like at the time of the Lok Sabha polls. The Party also worked unitedly and there were no controversies on any issue unlike at the time of the Lok Sabha polls.

The issues of corruption which were taken up by V. S. Achuthanandan as the Chief Minister and his campaign on an anti-corruption platform drew widespread support among the people and it found reflection in the big popular response to his election campaign.

At the time of the Lok Sabha election, a majority of the Janata Dal(S) had left the LDF. Subsequently, a majority of the Kerala Congress(Joseph) and the INL also left the LDF. Despite these desertions, the LDF has been able to recover ground and make headway.

The organisational work put in by the Party in preparation for the elections have also helped in mobilizing support for the LDF. The state committee directed planned work in 74 constituencies which were targeted for winning. Of these, 30 were those which were won by the LDF in both Lok Sabha and local body elections, 29 constituencies were such which were won by LDF in one of these two elections and 15 constituencies were such where the LDF had trailed by 5,000 votes in both these elections. This planned work resulted in our good performance in many of these seats. The LDF won 53 of the 74 seats so targeted. 15 more seats were won that did not belong to this category.

A notable feature was the support of the working class for the LDF. The coir workers, cashew workers, fisherfolk, plantation workers and other sections of the working class voted in large numbers for the Party and the LDF candidates. This could be seen clearly in districts like Alappuzha, Idukki and Kollam.

10 out of the 12 SC seats were won by the LDF while the two ST seats in Wayanad district went to the UDF. The UDF benefited from the support it got from various caste and religious organisations. The Nair Service Society (NSS) which claimed it was equi-distant from both fronts actually worked against the LDF.

Though it was not able to influence the people belonging to the this community everywhere, its campaign did effect the LDF in some constituencies. The SNDP also worked by and large in favour of the UDF candidates. Here too, the Ezhava masses did not get swayed by them generally. But in a closely fought election, in a few places, they might have tilted the balance.

In the Parliament and local body elections, sections of the Christian church had come out openly against the Party and the LDF. The Roman Catholic church provided the leadership for this anti-Communist campaign. This time there were no open expressions of hostility by the Catholic church stablishment, though the trend of voting against the LDF did remain in many places. The non-Catholic sections of the Christian church did not come out against the LDF.

There was a Muslim consolidation in favour of the Indian Union Muslim League in Malappuram district. Here, of the 16 seats, the LDF could win only two. The Muslim League succeeded in rallying many religious and social organisations around it. The effects of this could be felt in some places outside Malappuram district too. In two or three seats in Palakkad district adjoining Malappuram, there was a consolidation of Muslim vote against the LDF which resulted in the loss of these seats.

It may be recalled that in the 2004 Lok Sabha and 2006 Assembly elections, the Party had made headway in winning support among the Muslim masses in Malappuram. Alarmed by these development, the League had adopted various measures to stem the decline. The state committee has decided to closely examine the reason for the Muslim consolidation behind the Muslim League. Past experience has shown that the Party was able to attract wider support among the Muslim masses with its consistently secular and anti-imperialist platform. After the review, we have to chalk out plans to step up our work among the Muslim masses.

The BJP actively worked for its candidates in this election. Unlike in previous elections, when the BJP vote was transferred to the UDF, this time most of the BJP votes were polled for its own candidates. Only in a few seats were the votes transferred to the UDF candidates through the arrangements made by the local leaders. BJP polled 6.08 per cent of the vote compared to 4.75 per cent in the 2006 Assembly elections. In the Lok Sabha polls, it had got 6.49 per cent.

There has to be an in-depth examination of the seats which we lost narrowly, so that we can ascertain the reasons for the loss. Some organisational shortcomings have been revealed in the review by the state committee. It has been reported that in many places, the branches are not undertaking house-to-house visits. This basic form of activity to keep in touch with the people and hearing their views apart from communicating the Party’s message should be revived where it have fallen into disuse.

The failure to put up more women candidates should also be noted. There should be no excuse for such neglect in the future. The state committee review has noted the growing trend of parliamentarism witnessed in this election. Some leading cadres were unhappy at not being selected to as candidates. Some even go to the extent of deserting the Party. A few adopted improper methods to seek the Party nomination. In certain instances, a comrade would assert the right to contest again a second time, citing the two-term limit.

Such manifestations of parliamentary opportunism should be countered. It should be remembered that the root of factionalism in Kerala was traced to the disease of parliamentarism. The rectification campaign in this regard should be pursued.

Tamilnadu

The Tamilnadu Assembly elections saw a sweeping victory for the AIADMK and its electoral partners. The DMK combine was routed. The AIADMK and its electoral allies won 203 seats while the DMK allies got only 31 seats. The AIADMK and its partners got 51.8 per cent of the vote while the DMK alliance got 39.43 per cent. There was a massive swing of 12.4 percentage points in favour of the AIADMK alliance.

The elections to the states were held in the background of the big corruption scandals – the 2G spectrum case – which embroiled the DMK at the Centre. The arrest of A. Raja, the investigations into Kalaignar TV and members of Kanimozhi’s family in the kickbacks received, became a spearhead for the campaign against the corruption misrule of the DMK. Corruption under the UPA government had a direct bearing on the situation in Tamilnadu due to the involvement of the DMK.

Another factor was the domination of the Chief Minister Karunanidhi’s family in various spheres of business, media and the film industry. The stifling of rivals and the naked use of State machinery to enrich themselves evoked the ire of the people. The impact of the welfare measures undertaken by the DMK government was negated to a great extent by the spectacle of the family-business nexus.

The price rise of essential commodities and the failure of the UPA government in this regard also fuelled discontent against the DMK alliance. Power cuts and its adverse effects on industry and agriculture, the crime network flourishing with DMK patronage and the deteriorating law and order situation were contributory factors to the anti-DMK verdict.

Ms. Jayalalithaa, the AIADMK leader, cashed in on this acute discontent and emerged as the rallying figure for all those who want an end to the misrule of the DMK.

The AIADMK forged an electoral understanding which was strong and effective. A key factor in this was the joining of the DMDK which had polled 10 per cent of the vote in Lok Sabha polls. The DMDK led by Vijaykant has a strong following among the youth.

Tamilnadu has become notorious for the use of massive money power during elections through distribution of cash and other goods to the voters. This time, the Election Commission took some effective steps to curb the flow of illegal money. Nearly Rs. 60 crore was seized. Though money was still distributed in many places despite these measures, its effect was limited as people were determined to vote without the influence of money power.

While there was an overall trend in favour of the AIADMK and its allies, among the government employees and teachers, this was not so. Given the record of victimization of government employees by the earlier AIADMK government, a substantial section of the employees and teachers voted for the DMK alliance.

Party’s Performance : The CPI(M) contested 12 seats and won in 10 of them. We lost the Palayamkottai seat with a margin of only 605 votes. The Party could retain some of its sitting seats like Dindigul, Perambur, Madurai South, Harur and Tiruppur South by good margin. The Party has won the Kilvelur seat by a small margin of 724 votes. This is traditionally strong area of the Party. The state committee has decided to examine the reasons why we could not perform better in this seat. The Vilavancode, sitting seat in Kanyakumari district, has been lost by a margin of 23,789 votes to the Congress. The AIADMK is not so strong in this district. The DMK-Congress alliance is generally strong in this district. It seems that the bulk of the Christian vote has gone to the Congress candidates. Since the Party has been traditionally strong in this district, the erosion of support among some sections is of concern. The state committee should further examine the trends in the election and also the position of the organisation.

The state committee review notes that a considerable section of Party members were not active in the election campaign even in the 12 seats we contested. In some cases, only 50 per cent of the Party members were active. This indicates the low political and organisational level in the membership. Steps should be taken to activise the Party membership and streamline the Party organisation. Apart from the 10 seats won by the CPI(M), the CPI has won nine seats and the Forward Bloc one. This bloc of 20 Left MLAs should help us to project the Left politics and alternative policies in the state.

Assam
The Assam Assembly elections have resulted in a clear victory for the Congress. The Congress won 78 seats polling 39.38 per cent of the votes. This is an increase of over 8 per cent compared to the 2006 election. The AGP and the BJP suffered a rout. The AGP got 10 seats. Its poll percentage went down to 16.3 from 20.4 in the previous election. The BJP won only five seats which is half its strength in the previous Assembly.

A significant feature of the result is the increase in the strength of the AIUDF, a minority-based party. It won 18 seats compared to 10 in the last elections. It could also increase its percentage of votes by 3.56. The Bodoland People’s Front (BPF) also improved its strength by winning 12 seats. The BPF was a coalition partner in the government but it had fought the election separately.

The CPI(M) and the Left parties suffered a setback as they failed to win any seat. The Party lost both its sitting seats of Sorbhog and Rangia. The Party came fourth and third respectively in these two constituencies. Only in the Sootea constituency in Sonitpur district, the Party candidate came second getting 32,341 votes. The Party contested 17 seats and got 1.13 per cent of the vote. The CPI lost its sole sitting seat. According to the state committee’s preliminary review, a major factor in the electoral reverse is the weakening strength of the Party organisation and the non-expansion of the mass organisations and mass activities. We should also examine whether the increasing trend of ethnic and community mobilization is affecting our mass base. One of the features of the result is the increased strength of the AIUDF and the Bodo party, BPF.

The AGP, though reunified, was not cohesive. It adopted the dubious tactics of working for an understanding with the BJP while advocating a grand alliance of all the opposition. Such opportunist politics have been rejected by the people. The Congress party has benefited from the expectations of peace after the initiation of talks with the ULFA. Its slogan of `peace and development in the state’ found a positive response. The government had also announced various welfare measures for the poorer sections in the past two years. This, alongwith the huge amount of money spent in the election and the division of votes among the opposition parties, helped the Congress.

Conclusion

With the defeat of the Left Front in the recent Assembly elections, a phase ushered in, in 1977 has ended. The existence of the Left-led government in West Bengal for the last three decade has been a source of strength for the Left and democratic movement in the country. In the changed political situation with the loss of the Left-led governments in West Bengal and Kerala and the depleted strength of the Left in Parliament, the Congress-led government will seek to utilize this opportunity to push through the neo-liberal policies more vigorously and subject the people to further attacks on their livelihood.

The Centre will seek to ride roughshod over the states in the absence of Left-led governments. There can be a growing tendency to attack democratic rights. We have to be vigilant in such a situation to resist such policy offensive and defend the rights of the people. The extended meeting of the Central Committee in Vijayawada had called for continuing the fight against the neo-liberal policies and taking up the struggles of the people who are affected by these policies. The Party has to continue to fight the communal forces and defend secularism. We have to oppose the pro-US policies. The Party has to tirelessly work among the basic classes and build the unity of the Left and democratic forces.

The election results have once again underlined the importance of building the Party and expanding our influence outside the three strong states.

We have to mobilise all the democratic forces and public opinion all over the country against the terror and violence unleashed against the Party and Left Front in West Bengal.

The state committees should chalk out, apart from the reporting of the review of the elections, a political-ideological campaign within the Party. Most of the Party members are of the post-1977 vintage and have been in the Party when there has always been a Left Front government existing in West Bengal. The loss of such a government can give rise to political confusion and ideological questions. The role of Left-led state governments in the correct programmatic perspective should be explained within the Party. We have to assert that the Party’s basic approach and the class and mass struggles will not be affected by the loss of a state government or an electoral defeat.

We should continue with the rectification campaign which will help the Party members and committees to adopt a correct political organizational orientation in the present situation.

The entire Party should unitedly move to face the present situation. We should go to the people with the determination that we will overcome our weaknesses, advance the movement and go forward.

***

Journalism in Mamata land

Its not clear whether ‘Didi’, who had portrayed herself as a champion of democracy, approves of such behavior but it is obvious to the field reporters in Kolkata that the media is on its knees.

AJITHA MENON’s tales of the new media regime


www.thehoot.org, Posted Wednesday, Jun 08 22:09:25, 2011


West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee recently opened a new chapter in the media-government relationship when she publicly declared that she will “compensate” a news channel with a substitute story if they miss something. This was her official response to a question on why the State Higher Secondary Examination results were leaked by the concerned government department to a private news channel (Star Ananda), known for its close affiliation to the Trinamool Congress, ahead of the formal announcement.

The entire media fraternity gathered at Writers’ Building, the state secretariat, responded to the statement with scattered laughter, almost condoning the fact that the government will play favourites with the media on official matters – even at the cost of institutional breach of trust - and in case of objection from someone, there will be “compensation” in the form of another story. First your turn, then my turn – wait for the handouts.

The more serious issue of betrayal of trust by an institution reposed with the charge of conducting these examinations without bias and ensuring formal publication of results to the satisfaction of lakhs of students, their teachers and guardians, was ignored by the mainstream media almost as one.

As any professional journalist will vouch – an exclusive will be carried if the source is credible and the facts verifiable. So, the channel which carried the results ahead of schedule can hardly be blamed for “scooping” their rivals. However, the responsibility for the leak should have been fixed on the government department responsible for the examinations – in this case the Bengal Higher Secondary Education Council. Not because the results were handed out ahead of time – though one doubts that a similar media compliance would be witnessed if the UPSC results were given to one particular channel before the merit list is officially posted – but because of the breach in security of the entire process of conducting exams, correcting answer sheets, tallying the marks, preparing the merit list and publishing the results.

Interestingly, the Council President, Omkarsadhan Adhikary, when pushed to the wall on the issue admitted, “everything was done in accordance with the instructions of the state government”. He was mum on who in the state government ordered the disclosure.

If a breach can happen in this case, why then not for influencing results, adding or deducting marks of certain candidates, for even changing the merit list? Since the weak link in the department is already exposed – a link which is susceptible to media glamour or political interference, whatever it maybe in this case - why can’t the weak link be exploited for perpetration of more nefarious designs? Or for that matter, why should this remain restricted to one government department only? After all, the Chief Minister herself has sanctioned the weak link now, refusing to order an enquiry into the matter!

A pro-Left channel (Choubis Ghanta – Bengali) picked up the issue only to be categorically dismissed by the Chief Minister in the following words – “What can I do if a certain channel gets information. I can’t order an enquiry into what channels are doing. Choubis Ghanta is CPI(M)’ s channel. They are always saying bad things about me. Maybe they are sad that they missed the story. Don’t worry, I will give them another story to ‘compensate’.”

A case of missing the forest, as well as the trees and offering bribes to media to boot? The denizens of the fourth pillar of democracy in Bengal seemed extremely subdued on the matter. ‘The Bengal Post’ story with the headline “HS council ‘fails’ as channel leaks results”, had some teeth, while the Kolkata edition of ‘The Hindu’ had a small paragraph on the matter. The CPI(M) mouthpiece ‘Ganashakti’ of course went to town about it and the Bengali ‘Bartaman’ also had a story stating the Chief Minister had refused to order an enquiry into the leak.

It may be recalled that a similar leak of Secondary Board exam results ahead of the formal announcement had occurred in 2007 and the then government was forced to order an enquiry which led to the dismissal of the then President of the West Bengal Board of Secondary Education, Ujjwal Basu.

The low key response from mainstream media this time is worrying in the context that a new era of total media obeisance to both the Chief Minister and her council of ministers has been ushered into the state post Assembly elections.

That Mamata Banerjee has a select coterie of favourite journalists is common knowledge and acceptable in India where most politicians cultivate media persons to suit their ends, where journalists are more often than not “cultivable” and where “paid news” is norm. However, it is dangerous territory for democracy when journalists outside this coterie are not even allowed to ask questions – not just to any politician but even to the democratically elected Chief Minister in office.

A young agency reporter, who had the “ temerity” to ask Bimal Gurung, the Gorkha Jan Mukti Morcha (GJMM) leader “Have you dropped the demand for a separate Gorkhaland?”, after his first meeting with the new Chief Minister, was shot down by the Chief Minister who did not allow Gurung to reply and instead said “don’t insist, that may deteriorate the situation ”! However, the matter was tolerable till after the press conference, when a trio of senior reporters converged on the rookie and demanded to know “why did you ask such a question? ‘Didi’ was offended”.

The message was, don’t ask unpleasant questions, only ask what ‘didi’ wants to be asked, please her and her ministers at any cost. The media should in no way anger ‘didi’. Its not clear whether ‘didi’, who had portrayed herself as a champion of democracy, approves of such behavior but its obvious to the field reporters in Kolkata that the media is on its knees.

Notably, when Mamata Banerjee finally announced a tentative agreement with the GJMM on Tuesday (June 7), she repeatedly said the “Darjeeling” problem has been settled. The media obliged, and the word “Gorkhaland” was not even whispered, and the GJMM representatives were not asked anything about their long pending demand for a separate state – it was as though it never existed!

While giving an interview, Partha Chatterjee, the new industry minister, took it upon himself to order the ETV cameraman in the Assembly, “Keep us in two-frame” (meaning the newly elected Speaker Biman Banerjee and himself). When he realised that the cameraman had not kept a “two-frame”, zooming in to his own face alone, Chatterjee actually threatened “you think just because you hold the camera in your hand, you also hold your job? You think Hyderabad is far away? Don’t think that its that far”.

In another instance, a young reporter with NE Bangla channel angered the Mayor Shovan Chattopadhyay, who was criticizing the condition of Subhas Sarovar Lake a few days after the new government took charge, by asking “but this lake comes under Kolkata Corporation, which has been with TMC for over two years now, so why hasn’t something been done yet?” . The Mayor walked off in a huff without replying, while other journalists from R Plus Channel and Mahua TV charged her with, “why do you ask such things. You angered him and we lost our chance. Because of you we could not ask our questions”.

As the angry young reporter said, “their questions were, of course, of paramount importance as usual - how many bulbs will be put up to light the lake area and which other lake will you visit? This is what journalism has come to in Kolkata”!

Television viewers across the country saw the lead anchor of a 24-hour Bengali news channel sitting behind Mamata Banerjee on the day the election results were announced, while she was giving an interview to Barkha Dutt of NDTV. Even, Dutt, a journalist of some stature, had not dared to ask the “in-coterie celebrity anchor” to move out of her frame!

For young reporters working for the pro-Trinamool Channel 10, a nightmare is unfolding. One of them asked a question to the Mayor, which the later did not like. He picked up the phone and called the channel editor and complained. It was made clear to the hapless scribe, by his boss, that asking difficult questions to Trinamool leaders or ministers was a strict no-no. “Keep them happy. Anyway such stories will not be carried on our channel and you will surely lose your job”, the young reporter quoted his boss as saying. Most reporters of this channel admit that they are afraid of losing their jobs if Trinamool leaders complain to the editor.

Mamata’s coterie journalists belonging to Star Ananda, The Telegraph, etc., also interface between her and other media persons. A reporter from Indiavision Channel, Kerala details his experience outside Mamata Banerjee’s house - “I waited for six hours for a sound bite from her. She came out and called one journalist inside. He came out after sometime and showed us all an sms on his mobile from her which said “I will not talk to any reporters today, please ask them all to leave!”.

A Sahara TV reporter, who was desperately trying for a one-to-one interview with Mamata Banerjee on the day of the election results but categorically refused was told by a Star Ananda reporter, “You should have come to me. I would have fixed it up with her for you”. A broker?

The Indiavision reporter’s final comment on the matter - “I had also tried for an interview when she visited West Midnapore. I waited outside for almost four hours and sent in messages through the security personal and other Trinamool leaders. She refused to talk to us but journalists from Star Ananda and some Bengali papers were with her throughout. How can a politician be selectively accessible? Aren’t we part of a democracy? If it is like this now, I wonder what will be situation when she becomes Chief Minister” - is currently echoing down the powers of corridor in Bengal!

Besides interference in free and fair discharge of journalistic duties, stories of political leaders filling petrol/diesel for the cars owned by reporters, throwing parties for them and even paying EMI for their flats are doing the rounds now. A whole lot of journalists are also flexing their muscle now - showing off their closeness to ministers and the ability to save one from traffic fines, get a railway reservation at the nth hour, arrange school and college admissions, sanction the plan for a new house or extension, a government/railway job, a transfer to the preferred place of posting, a place on a committee etc – all with a mere telephone call.

This culture is new to Bengal. Is it more power to journalists at the cost of democracy?

The Historic Legacy of the Left Front Government

By Prakash Karat

When the Left Front government headed by Comrade Jyoti Basu was sworn into office on June 21, 1977, no one had expected or known that history would be made by this government. If any one had predicted that the Left Front would continue to rule for more than 30 years, there would have been none to believe such a claim. Yet, this is what the Left Front government accomplished. It lasted for 34 years without a break. This, in itself, is a unique record.

The Left Front won the elections in 1977 after a prolonged period of struggles and repression of the Left. The 1972 Assembly elections were falsified and rigged by the Congress with the help of the police and the administration. Between 1971 and 1977, a reign of semi-fascist terror prevailed during which 1,400 members and supporters of the CPI (M) and the Left were killed. The country as a whole came under Emergency imposed by the Indira Gandhi government during which democratic rights were suppressed.

The repression on the CPI (M) and the Left was unleashed because of the militant struggles of the peasantry for land and the rising tide of movements of the working people. The CPI (M) and the Left Front won a big victory as the people swept away the hated Congress regime and voted wholeheartedly for the Left Front’s programme and policies.

This wave in favour of the Left Front still does not account for the longevity of the Left Front government for more than three decades. The Left Front won seven successive elections getting on each occasion two-thirds of the seats in the Assembly. This is a remarkable record of popular support and endorsement. Under the Left Front government, land reforms were implemented which benefited millions of peasants and bargadars; for the first time, panchayats were made into popular institutions with the participation of those who belong to the dispossessed rural classes; the rights of the working class and the working people were assured.

All these gave a new dignity and confidence to the working people. Left Front rule also began the fight back against the economic backwardness which had been imposed on West Bengal and Eastern India – a legacy of both colonial rule and the uneven nature of capitalist development in independent India. The Left Front showed in practice what secularism means in essence and spirit. West Bengal became a bastion of communal harmony. All these were achieved despite the serious limitations of running a state government within a system controlled by the big bourgeoisie and the landlords. Despite the fact that a state government has limited powers and State power rests with the Central government, the Left Front government had major achievements in the spheres like agriculture which is a state subject.

Further, the Left Front government was always under threat from the domestic and external reactionary forces. The Purulia arms drop of 1996 illustrates to what extent they could go to undermine the Left Front government. The Left Front government faced the hostility of successive governments at the Centre with a few exceptions. It survived and continued only because of the unstinted support to the people of West Bengal and the democratic consciousness which grew in the rest of the country which would not have tolerated any attempt to topple the Left Front government undemocratically.

After the defeat in the May 2011 Assembly elections, a concerted effort is being made to negate the achievements of the Left Front government in the past three decades. The electoral defeat is being interpreted as the people’s rejection of all that has been accomplished by the Left Front government. This is a motivated attack by the ideological and political opponents of the Left. It is necessary for them to paint the Left Front rule in dark colours if they are to try and reverse the gains made by the people. After the euphoria of the victory of the TMC led combine, efforts will be made to undo the gains of land reforms. The old dominant classes will try to reassert. With the Congress-TMC coalition at the Centre following neo-liberal policies, in West Bengal, behind the cloak of populism, efforts will be made to push through measures which will affect the livelihood of the people and erode their rights.

The present wave of violence unleashed against the CPI (M) and the Left Front in order to weaken it is a prelude to what can be expected to follow. The class forces which represent the TMC combine are making a systematic effort to kill, maim, intimidate and destroy the organisational framework that is the basis for the toiling people of West Bengal to struggle and assert their rights.

The gains made by the working people – the peasants, the bargadars, the agricultural workers, the working class and the lower middle classes – under Left Front rule have to be defended. It will not be easy for the ruling classes to rollback the land reforms and other gains as the past experience of Kerala shows. The struggles of the working class and other sections of the working people to defend their rights and livelihood, for democratic rights and to fight back the anti-people neo-liberal policies will constitute the next chapter in the history of the Left Front in West Bengal.

While organising the working people, advancing the class struggle and defending democracy, the historic legacy of the Left Front governments will always be a bulwark of support. Those who have written off the Left Front and declared its obituary will be proved wrong.

GANASHAKTI

21st June, 2011

We Will Counter the Violence with Political Campaign: Biman Basu

By N S Arjun (INN)


Hyderabad: June 11, 2011: The ongoing physical attacks on the cadre and leaders of the Left Front in Bengal will be countered through intensive political campaign among the people in favour of peace and saving democracy. This campaign has already begun in the state and will be intensified in the coming period, said CPI(M) Bengal state secretary Biman Basu.

Speaking to INN on the sidelines of the Central Committee meetings here, Basu criticised the TMC-Congress government for not taking up any measures to stem these physical attacks despite repeated deputations by the leaders of the Left Front. Leader of Opposition in the state assembly, Surjya Kanta Mishra, along with Left Front MLAs submitted memorandums to the state Governor and CM on this issue but no action has been taken so far. He said since May 13, the day of results, a total of 13 comrades belonging to the CPI(M) and one to RSP have been brutally killed by the TMC-Congress goons in the state.

On June 25, the day Emergency was clamped on the nation by Indira Gandhi, a two day statewide campaign ‘Save Democracy, Ensure Peace’ will be launched by the Left Front against the terror tactics unleashed by the TMC-Congress combine, said Basu. About the weapons being regularly “found” in the vicinity of CPI(M) offices and residences of its leaders, Basu said that it was the TMC activists who are planting these in order to get the CPI(M) leaders arrested, most of whom have in fact been charged under non-bailable sections. They have gone so far as to plant the Maoists captured rifle (during their attack on EFR jawans camp) near a residence of CPI(M) leader in order to propagate that it was the CPI(M) which attacked the EFR camp!

‘MEDIA TERRORISM’

Biman Basu termed the coverage of the corporate media in Bengal during the elections as ‘media terrorism’ and that it played a part in creating a positive impact for the TMC-Congress combine. “Corporate media always reported in a concocted fashion, putting out blatant lies about the functioning of the Left Front government while demonising the CPI(M) and the Left Front in general. We couldn’t assess properly how deeply this media had penetrated in different districts”, said Basu. He cited the mis-reporting of what he said yesterday about the ordinance brought out by TMC-Congress government relating to the giving back of 400 acres of land in Singur to farmers. He said that he had only pointed out the unconstitutionality of the ordinance route at a time when the assembly was still in session. But the media suppressed this part and only propagated that Biman Basu opposed the transfer of land. He said this was a blatant lie and is a stark example of media’s role in Bengal.

ON ELECTION OUTCOME

Biman Basu said that the deep penetration of the slogan of change given by TMC-Congress could not be assessed properly by Party activists in different districts. The campaign unleashed by TMC-Congress on this slogan, ably aided by the corporate media, did make inroads among the people in rural and urban areas, felt the preliminary review made by the Bengal state committee. Further reasons would be found out in the detailed reviews of district committees and in the next state committee meeting scheduled in mid July, said Basu.

One of the factors in not coming to a proper assessment was the fact of massive participation of people in the mobilisation either through road shows or public meetings. Some lacunae in organisational front also played a part, he felt.

CPI(M) will Work Patiently to Reconnect with People

KOLKATA, 6th June: THE CPI(M) West Bengal state committee has called upon the Party members and activists to patiently work among the people in the new political situation. After its meeting on June 4-5, the state committee decided to consolidate the support base of the Party and streamline the organisation to win over more and more people. CPI(M) general secretary Prakash Karat, who attended the meeting, advised the comrades to go back to people, adopt suitable tactics, reconnect with the masses and regroup.

The meeting conducted the review of election results. Though thorough and painstaking discussion took place to correctly identify the reasons for the electoral setback, comprehensive review would be finalised only after detailed discussion at all levels of the Party. In the discussion, political issues, government functioning, organisational weaknesses of the Party, slander campaign on behalf of the anti-Left forces, the role of money in elections, the blatant anti-Left role of dominant section of media have come under scanner.

CPI(M) state secretary Biman Basu, summing up the discussion, said that the Party was aware that this election was very tough. Large sections of people joined in Left Front’s election campaign. New sections of people also joined force with the Left. Finally, Left Front got the support from 1.95 crore voters, which was 41 per cent. However, the slogan of change raised by the anti-Left forces succeeded and the Left Front was defeated.

Basu said that the Party will review the reasons for this defeat thoroughly. After 2009 parliamentary elections, we identified political, organisational and administrative lapses and shortcomings. We could not overcome the deficiencies to the expected level.

About the post-poll situation, CPI(M) state secretary asserted that all was not lost through this defeat. We have confidence on the people who have supported us. Taking them along, we will move forward to win over those who have not supported us. In this new situation we have to move slowly, inch by inch, while upholding Communist ideology. The activity of the Party will be gradually developed. Party leaders at all levels have to work harder with dedication. It is important to merge with the people while consolidating the base of the Party. The unity of the Left Front should be strengthened.

Prakash Karat, in his observation, said that the CPI(M) and the Left Front began the journey in an untraveled path in 1977. “It was a part of our effort to build up a Left and democratic alternative in the country. We steered the boat through many storms. We knew from the very beginning the limitations of a state government in the present State structure of our country. The Left Front government, in 34 years, recorded historic achievements for the people. Though at this moment, we are facing the negative consequences, history will judge our achievements as unique, remarkable and historic, not only for the CPI(M) and the Left, not even only for the people of our country, but internationally. No one can underrate or undermine the gains of the people under Left Front government. CPI (M) will defend and carry forward those gains”, he asserted.

Karat said that in the post-poll situation, there is a concerted attack on our Party and the mass base. “We have lost a battle but our struggle has not ended. We have got the support of a large section of the people. We have to make this as the basis of our fight back.”

The state committee meeting has decided to observe some programme in the near future. The Left Front will submit deputations to local level and district authorities against the ongoing attacks and violence let loose by TMC. The anniversary of the declaration of internal emergency will be observed as a day to demand peace and democracy on June 25. The Party’s work among rural and urban poorer sections will be strengthened.

The West Bengal state committee, in a resolution, congratulated the Party, LDF and the people of Kerala for the outstanding election result, though LDF was defeated by a narrow margin.

CONDOLING COM. MAJUMDAR

CPI(M) West Bengal state committee has condoled the death of Comrade Baidyanath Majumdar, former secretary of Tripura state committee of CPI(M) and veteran leader of mass movement. Comrade Majumdar passed away on late night of Monday. He was 87.

In a statement, Biman Basu stated that Comrade Majumdar had a rich contribution in shaping the mass movement and strengthening the Party in Tripura.

“Comrade Majumdar got the membership of undivided party in 1943. In his long political life, he had to spend 15 months and 10 days in jail and for 22 months he was in underground. He was deputy chief minister of Tripura government. In 1995 he was elected as the member of Party’s Central Committee in the Chandigarh Party Congress.

“CPI(M) West Bengal state committee had a living contact with Comrade Majumdar. He always kept updated information about the political situation of the state. CPI(M) West Bengal state committee likes to express grief at his death. It also expresses sympathy to the Tripura state committee and Party activists and supporters in Tripura. The Red flag will remain half mast for the whole day on 7 June”, stated Basu.

(INN)

Post-Poll Violence In West Bengal

Instances of Post-Poll Violence in West Bengal
(As Of May 16, 2011)

West Midnapore district:

1. Goaltore: TMC goons surrounded Hoomgarh Local Committee office. When the police arrived, they forced the police to conduct a search, despite the police explaining that they did not have a search warrant. Nothing could be found. The police then asked the TMC goons to move out. When they refused, there was a lathicharge. Goons also surrounded Hoomgarh Local Committee Secretary, Sunil Gayen’s house and asked his son to surrender. The police intervened and stopped that. They attacked Local Committee Member Balai Biswas’s house. Com. Biswas suffered head injuries. They also beat up the executive member, in-charge of power of the panchayat samiti. They surrounded Party activist Gautam Ghosh’s house and tried to put it on fire. In Pathapara (No. 4 Gram Panchyat), they asked Party activist, Subrata Ahir to surrender. He alongwith some others escaped and took refuge in Sarenga Zonal Committee office in Bankura district.

2. Salboni: In Sijua Gram Panchayat, Sudarshan Das of Sijua Memul was severely beaten while he was on his way to Salboni alongwith his daughter. In Sijua, TMC goons are threatening our people in all the villages and asking them to surrender. They forcibly searched Sudhir Mahato’s house in Pirakuli. They could not find anything. In No. 5 Gram Panchayat, in Bankishol, two of our comrades, including Rampada Mahato, were beaten up and kept in confinement in the TMC office. In Garhmal Gram Panchayat, they are threatening our supporters to surrender.

3. Belda: In Kunarpur Local Committee office, three activists alongwith Nirmal Singh were beaten up. They put up the TMC flag removing the CPI(M) flag. After the police intervened, they restored our flag. In Muradur, they are torturing our supporters from the minority community and imposing fines. In Manna Gram Panchayat, they hurled filthy abuses in front of our Local Committee office.

4. Midnapore Sadar: In No. 1 Panchkhuri Gram Panchayat – in Chherua, they are torturing families supporting our Party. They are threatening them to surrender. In No. 1 Gram Panchayat area of Sadar Block 1, which was affected by Maoist violence in the past – in Baghara and Shirshi, they are assembling their people to attack adjoining villages. In Gram Panchayat No. 4, our Party activist, Malay Barik, was severely beaten up.

5. Keshpur: In Mugbazar Gram Panchayat in Bajowara, Party activist Mobaitul was beaten. They attacked Bajowara Party office and forced our activists out of the office. In Amritpur, they attacked Tapan Das and beat him. He had to be hospitalised. In Neradeul Local Committee area – in the villages of Cherua, Shashagerra, Makul Chowk, Talkotai, Mahishagerra, Kashipota, they attacked our activists. Tapan Mondal of Kashipota village under No. 4 Golar Gram Panchayat was beaten up. They destroyed certain houses in Khetua, Taria and Rajgra.

6. Garbeta: In No. 7 Gram Panchayat area of Benachapra, Samadgayen was severely beaten up. Our Zonal Committee member, Jiten Nandi was severely beaten up. Later on, Jiten Nandi was killed and on 15th a state level Left Front delegation visited the place. Com. Surjyokanta Mishra and Mohd. Salim were of this. In No. 7 Gram Panchayat, in Bhattagram, Kanai Giri has been severely beaten up. Some houses have been destroyed in Saita and Sidir Dorra of Fatesinghpur. In the Uttarmil village, they forcibly took Biswanath Mondal to the TMC office. In Jadavbati village, they are destroying the houses of many of our Party activists. In Phulberia, they have beaten up Sanmura Jaba. In Chandabila, they have destroyed the houses of Ataul Mallik and Shahan Mallik.

7. Chandrakona Road: In Guai Daha, the Local Committee office was attacked. They beat up Zonal Committee member, Swapan Barik. They attacked the Party office functionary Shibu Ghosh. They surrounded the house of Zonal Committee member Ansar Mondal (counting agent) in Domahali village. They beat up his brother. Police arrived at the spot and conducted a search. Then the police removed the TMC goons. In No. 2 Gram Panchayat in Khagra, they are beating up our people. They forcibly closed down our Bahara Shol Party Local Committee office and attacked and threw stones at our comrades.

8. Chandrakona: TMC goons have destroyed two CPI(M) offices in Jhankra. They have beaten up quite a few of our members and supporters.

East Midnapore district:

1. Haldia: Our Trade Union offices have been destroyed and TMC flags have been hoisted on two of our offices here. One office was locked up. It was reopened after police intervention. Two Party branch offices have been destroyed. Threats are being handed out. There will be a victory procession by the TMC here, which raises apprehensions of further attacks.

2. Panskura West: On the night of the counting day, 13th May, in Maishora, two of our Party leaders, Shamsad Ali –Zonal Committee Member and Kishore Pande – Local Committee Member were severely beaten up. Their hands have been fractured and they suffered head injuries as well. They continue to remain admitted to the Midnapore College Hospital. Throughout 14th May, there have been major disturbances in the Maishora area. The Party leadership has been forced to leave their houses. Here also goons owing allegiance to the TMC are enforcing fines.

3. Bontai North: TMC goons have been threatening our Party supporters in No. 2 Gram Panchayat of Egra in Bathuari and attacking the houses of our activists and sympathisers. They have been going from house to house and intimidating our workers. Two families were forced to leave their homes.

4. Ramnagar: The TMC goons tried to put the Digha Local Committee and two other offices on fire. In Talgachhari, they beat up a Zonal Committee member, Com. Arabinda Patra.

5. Bhagwanpur: In Baroj Gram Panchayat – in Arjunnagar area, many of our sympathisers have been physically assaulted forcing them to leave their homes.

6. Nandigram: They have attacked and destroyed Reyapara Local Committee office. In Amdabad, they have carried out attacks on 5 to 6 houses while holding a procession. They have attacked the house of our district committee member, Com. Sujata Maity and put it on fire. They are assaulting our sympathisers and activists in Kanungochowk and West Birulia. About 65 people were forcibly vacated from their houses.

7. Tamluk: They have attacked, destroyed and locked up our Tamluk Rural Zonal Committee office. They have also destroyed our Gourangapur branch office under Nimtouri Local Committee.

8. Chandipur: TMC goons have occupied our Jagatitala branch office under Bibhishanpur Local Committee of Bhagwanpur Zonal Committee.

9. Khejuri: They have severely beaten up 7 to 8 people from Harijanpalli. Out of them, the condition of Paban Ghorai is critical. In Garrang village, they have severely beaten up people from eight families and are threatening them and asking them to leave the homes. Papers and documents at two Party offices in Sherkhanchowk and Dhangchurkunjatur, have been burnt. The Bartala Party Office has been locked by them.

10. Patashpur: In Barhat Gram Panchayat, two comrades including Shankar Majhi, in Paharpur 2 to 3 activists including Com. Goursamata, and two other activists from Vonara village were attacked. In villages of Madan Mohanpur, Chandan Khali, Mathura, Balyagovindpur of Patashpur 2 block and No. 12 Gram Panchayat, villages of Ichhabari Siari, Jabda, Kakhuria, Mangal Chowk, Laya of No. 14 Gram Panchayat and villages Mallikpur Sukakhola, Hinghibar and Bamanbar under No. 13 Gram Panchayat, widespread assault, arson and destruction have been carried out. They have locked our Southkhand Local Committee office.

Kolkata district: (13th & 14th May, 2011)

1. Beleghata ward No. 34 & 35 – TMC goons have put Trinamool flag on two clubs and one library belonging to a social organisation. They beat up and grievously injured a Zonal Committee member, Amal Khatua who is also the Headmaster at a local school.

2. Ward No. 60 – From 14th night, under the leadership of the Ward Councillor, 30 to 40 Trinamool workers attacked and locked a number of clubs and the ICDS Centre. They also intimidated a Local Committee Member.

3. Ward No. 32 – They have selectively attacked 4-5 petty shops and looted them. They also beat three persons.

4. Ward No. 31 – They have locked up a club here. People of the locality protested and held a meeting.

5. Ward No. 57 – They tried to forcibly put colour on an old Left sympathizer. When he resisted, he was beaten up. When men and women of the locality protested, they threw a bomb.

6. In Sealdah, they threatened the workers and members of the rail hawkers and the taxi union. They hoisted TMC flags with the help of outsiders on the union offices. They have threatened them to stop work and have also taken away the hawkers union’s flag.

7. They have forcibly occupied the autostand at Dhapa. At Badha-Battala (Garden reach) and Khidirpur Ram Nagar autostand, they tried to create disturbance in order to put Trinamool flag. In Badha Battola taxi stand, they tore the CITU flag.

8. At Hathibagan, TMC goons have occupied the local organisation office and removed furniture and other things from there. Even after the police intervened, their threats did not stop. They locked the local office. The key is with the police now.

9. Ward 34 – In Chaulpatti, they went from house to house and threatened our people and even beat some of them. Due to these threats, two Committee Members could not go to their houses.

10. In Narkaldanga, they have beaten up hawkers.

11. TMC goons have captured the Joka Party office and damaged furniture and other equipment inside the office. In Joka Jiyadar Gaud panchayat, they are forcing the woman panchayat member to resign. They attacked the house of panchayat Pradhan Anand Pattra (Joka – I). His father was beaten up. The panchayat Pradhan was forced to leave the locality. His whereabouts are not known and we have not been able to establish contact with him.

12. Bikas Bor, a sympathizer in Joka-I was beaten up. After tying his hands and feet he was thrown into a canal. Some local people after coming to know of this, rescued him from the canal. They have beaten a helper, Shyamal, in the auto stand, opposite Joka Local Committee office. Some drivers of the stand were also involved. Unable to bear this, Bikas Bor and Anando Patro have left the place.

13. In Behala West Ward No. 130, TMC goons beat up Local Committee Member Kishore Bhowmic and Party member Gour Senapati.

14. TMC goons have occupied the union office of Webel at Taratala Hyde Road and Esab India. They have also occupied the Webel union office at Salt Lake. This was done under the leadership of one Krishnendu Chatterjee.

15. In North Kolkata Ward No. 7, a Left sympathizer was severely beaten by heavily drunk TMC men. Local people protested against this. Police detained two persons but released them afterwards.

16. In Ward No. 1, Ratan Basu Road, one Party comrade was beaten. They tried to forcibly occupy the auto stand. They have threatened to occupy the BMPEU office and have forcibly put up the TMC flag.

17. Many medical students of NRS Medical College were forcibly evicted from the Dixon Lane Hostel under Muchipara PS.

Bardhaman district

On May 14, CPI(M) supporter at Raina in Bardhaman namely Purnima Ghoroi (F) (56) was killed by TMC goons.

On May 14, six-year old Pinki Majhi and her mother Chabi Majhi faced murderous attacks from Trinamool goons at Raina in Bardhaman. Both are battling for life in a private nursing home.

Bankura district

On May 15, CPI(M) local committee secretary Ajit Lohar was attacked at Saltora and brutally killed by TMC goondas.

North 24 Parganas district

On May 14, veteran Party leader Pradip Niyogi and youth leader Akash Sengupta were attacked at New Barrackpore.

South 24 Parganas district

On May 13, Joggeswar Das, Ex-MLA and contesting CPI(M) candidate was heinously attacked and injured at Kakdwip outside the counting centre. Das is battling for life at the sub divisional hospital in Kakdwip with serious injuries.

On May 15, wining CPI(M) candidate of Bhangar AC, Badal Jamadar was brutally attacked by TMC miscreants.

A bastion stormed

By SUHRID SANKAR CHATTOPADHYAY

FRONTLINE, Volume 28 - Issue 11 :: May. 21-Jun. 03, 2011

The Trinamool Congress-led alliance scores a historic victory in West Bengal to end 34 years of Left Front rule.

IN what turned out to be a historic Assembly election in West Bengal, the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front was swept out of power after a record seven consecutive terms in office by an alliance led by the Trinamool Congress and comprising the Congress and the Socialist Unity Centre of India (SUCI). Of the 294 seats, the Trinamool Congress alliance won 227 and the Left Front only 62. Five seats went to others.

Riding a wave of anti-incumbency sentiment, Railway Minister Mamata Banerjee's Trinamool Congress won 184 seats (contested: 227). The Congress won 42 (contested: 65) and the SUCI one (contested: two). The CPI(M) could win only 40 seats, as against 176 in 2006. Of the 34 Ministers who contested, 26 lost, including Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, Industries Minister and CPI(M) Polit Bureau member Nirupam Sen, Finance Minister Asim Dasgupta, Housing Minister Gautam Deb, Municipal Affairs Minister and party strongman from North Bengal Ashok Bhattacharya, and Information Technology Minister Debesh Das.

Dedicating her victory to “Ma, Maati, Manush” (Mother, Earth and Humanity, the Trinamool Congress' slogan) Mamata Banerjee said: “People have been waiting for 35 years for this. It is like a freedom struggle…. It is the people who are the winners here.” Mamata herself did not contest in the elections, choosing instead to make a delayed entry into the Assembly once her party came to power.

As the trend became clear by the afternoon of May 13, Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee and Biman Bose, CPI(M) State secretary and Left Front chairman, sent a joint statement to the press. It said: “The Left Front has humbly accepted the verdict of the people and will play the role of a constructive Opposition… and continue to strive to protect the rights of the people.”

Later in the day, Biman Bose, addressing a press conference, said: “We did not expect this kind of a result.” Until the day before the result, the Left Front was hopeful that it would be able to form the government, albeit with a greatly reduced majority. However, its progressive electoral decline in the past three elections had indicated otherwise. Though the enormity of the defeat may have come as a shock to many, the defeat itself was not unexpected, except perhaps to certain sections of the Left.

Since the 2008 panchayat elections the Left has rapidly lost ground to the Trinamool Congress, while its vote share has declined since the 2006 Assembly elections. According to CPI(M) sources, it dropped from 50.18 per cent in 2006 to 43.3 per cent in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections, and preliminary estimates show it to be below 37 per cent in 2011.

On the other hand, the Trinamool Congress' political resurgence, through its violent agitations over land acquisition in Singur (2006) and Nandigram (2007) and its alliance with the Congress, led to an increase in its vote share from 45.96 per cent in 2009 to over 53 per cent in 2011.

The 2009 general elections also made it clear that it would be an uphill task for the Left Front in the Assembly election, given the fact that it could win only 15 of the 42 Lok Sabha seats in the State, as against 35 it won in 2004. A miserable performance by the Left Front in the municipal elections the following year, in which the Congress and the Trinamool Congress were not in alliance, indicated a further weakening of its position.

Another factor for the Left's loss has been its inability to win back its minority vote base, which has eroded over the years. The three main reasons cited for the Muslim voter's disenchantment with the Left Front government are: The land acquisition drive to set up industries; the revelation in the Sachar Committee report that the lot of Muslims in the State leaves much to be desired; and the mysterious death of Rizwanur Rahman, a computer graphics teacher, in Kolkata, which caused a huge public outcry and culminated in the transfer of top police officers.

The 2011 results put paid to the Left's insistence, all through the election process, that through intense personal contact with the masses at the grass-root level it had managed to retrieve most of the ground lost to the opposition. In fact, the Left has lost further ground, with its bastions in Bardhaman, Birbhum, Bankura, Purulia and Pashchim Medinipur broken. In Bardhaman the Trinamool Congress-led alliance won 16 of the 25 seats; in Birbhum eight out of 11; in Bankura nine out of 12; in Purulia seven out of nine; and in Pashchim Medinipur 10 out of 19. These districts were red citadels that no anti-incumbency wave, however strong, could penetrate for the past 34 years.

The desire for paribartan (change), Mamata's clarion call, was strong in Kolkata, too; the Left Front drew a blank in the 11 seats in the State capital. It could not win a single seat in the districts of Darjeeling, Purbo Medinipur and Howrah either. “It was a wave that just overwhelmed us completely. There was really nothing we could do about it. We can now only introspect and rectify,” a CPI(M) source said. The Left's attempt to ward off this “wind of change” by fielding 151 new faces failed, as only 27 of them managed to win.

The failure of the Left Front to gauge properly the ground situation is indicative of the growing disconnect between the leadership on Alimuddin Street and the cadre. “Clearly, our leaders have not been receiving the right information from the districts and villages. Our situation turned out to be far worse than we could even dream of,” a CPI(M) district leader said.

When the election results became clear by the afternoon of May 13, parts of Kolkata literally turned green (the Trinamool Congress' official colour) as thousands took to the streets with green abir (powder) all over them. The milling crowd outside Mamata Banerjee's house on a narrow lane in Kalighat spilled over to the main road. People came in waves, blowing conches and clanging bells, distributing sweets to announce the Trinamool Congress' victory, and eager to catch a glimpse of “Didi”. Mamata kept emerging from her house to acknowledge their cheers. “It is hot. Go home now,” she repeatedly told the crowd.

On the streets, Trinamool Congress supporters showed remarkable restraint on Mamata's specific instruction and kept the celebrations within reasonable limits of sound and exuberance. They would gently apply the colour on passersby only if they were permitted, otherwise they kept the greetings to a simple handshake or a friendly pat.

The CPI(M) State headquarters on Alimuddin Street had an air of defeat. The red abir, the motorbike processions, the exultant crowd that one was so used to seeing outside the party office after every election were all absent. Instead, Trinamool Congress supporters paraded up and down the narrow street twice, as if in mockery.

HUGE SOCIAL CHANGE

For the people across the State it was a strange feeling with a 34-year-old government going out of power. People under the age of 40 could not recall having seen a government other than the Left Front's. “The Left Front has been synonymous with government for the entirety of my life. Hence this change, albeit a welcome one, is nevertheless something new and strange for me. However, it's not very healthy for any State to have a single party in power for over three decades. At least in this case change for the sake of change was not just desirable but important,” said 30-year-old Arjun Sengupta, assistant professor of English in a Kolkata college.


However, there are those who are sceptical of the paribartan. “Having not seen any party other than the Left Front in power, the excitement is undermining the usual cynicism. The enthusiasm that the prospect of change has generated is hard to ignore. But the proof of the pudding lies in the eating. Let's see whether this is a real change or just a change in political leadership,” said 26-year-old Sucharita Ghosh, who works as editor, Niyogi Books.

It is not just the young but also the elderly who have welcomed the change. “At last Bengal has regained its lost freedom,” said Deepak Bhattacharjee, 70.

However, there are many who feel that the CPI(M)'s departure spells disaster for the State. “Trinamool is a ruthless, directionless party that has associations with ruffians and Maoists. I do not know what kind of administration we can look forward to here. The streets will not be safe any more,” said Debasis Das (name changed), a resident of Kalighat and a long-time supporter of the CPI(M).

ROLLER-COASTER RIDE

For Mamata Banerjee, who will be the first woman Chief Minister of West Bengal, it has been a roller-coaster ride that has seen her ascend the heights of power and political glory and also plunge the depths of defeat and redundancy. But she has always managed to bounce back, and from being the eternal adversary she has finally emerged the champion. Whatever objections one may have to her brand of politics and style of functioning, there is no denying her steadfast and resolute opposition to the CPI(M) and her never-say-die spirit.

When she parted with the Congress in December 1997 and formed the Trinamool Congress in 1998, many political observers saw it as the beginning of the end of her political career. She proved them wrong by soon establishing herself as the principal opposition to the Left Front. In 2004, after several political somersaults that saw her leaving the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), tying up with the Congress in West Bengal, and then going back to the NDA fold, her career had reached its lowest point. She was perceived as whimsical and petulant and opportunistic, and in the general elections that year she alone won from her party. Her downward slide continued with the party losing control of the Kolkata Municipal Corporation in 2005 and winning only 29 seats in the 2006 Assembly polls, down from 60 in 2001.

THE RETURN

Just when it seemed that her political career was all but over, Mamata found a way to bounce back – this time with her agitation against the acquisition of farmland for industry. This once again brought her into direct confrontation with the Left Front and its industrialisation drive.


Her violent agitation in Singur, which forced Tata Motors to shift its prestigious small car project – a showcase project of the Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee government – from the State, and the bloody turf war in Nandigram in the garb of protesting against land acquisition, gave her a new lease of political life. She came to be seen as a protector of poor farmers even though it affected the industrial development of West Bengal and provided a foothold in the State for leftwing extremists, who claimed to be her ally during the Nandigram battles.

With this new image and the new slogan of “Ma, Maati, Manush” she staged her political comeback. She severed all ties with the NDA and joined forces with the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance. She was once again given the Railways portfolio – an opportunity she utilised fully to make inroads into the nooks and crannies of the State. Now, when the people have given her the chance to rule the State, the challenge for her and the Trinamool Congress will be to deliver on the promises made.

Bengal not in a debt trap, says Asim Dasgupta

Hindu Business Line, May 20, 2011

Kolkata, May 19: Former West Bengal Finance Minister, Mr Asim Dasgupta, on Thursday denied that the State had fallen in a debt trap or that it was heading for bankruptcy, as is alleged by the Trinamool Congress.

“Following a revision of wages by the Pay Commission, there was a temporary financial stress.

“But we have been able to tide over it,” Mr Dasgupta told newsmen adding that contrary to the allegations levelled the fiscal and revenue deficits of the State had come down during the last year.

Dip in fiscal deficit

An increase in State tax revenue has resulted in a dip in fiscal deficit in 2010-11 to 3.9 per cent from the 6.2 per cent in 2009-10.

Revenue deficit too came down from 5.4 per cent in 2009-10 to 3.1 per cent to 2010-11.
The State's accumulated borrowings now stand at Rs 1.86 lakh crore.

“The State's debt to GSDP (gross State domestic product) has come down from 50 per cent to 40 per cent during the last five years,” Mr Dasgupta said adding that even the country had higher fiscal and revenue deficit ratios.

The Trinamool Congress in its election manifesto had pointed out that the State was in a debt trap and had one of the highest debt to GDP (gross domestic product) ratio in the country.

According to him, during the first two months of the current fiscal, the West Bengal government raised Rs 5,173 crore through issue of bonds to compensate a sharp fall in loans against small savings.

Small savings was affected due to hike in deposit rates by the commercial banks.

“The total borrowings during April-May 2011 are lower than the corresponding period of 2010,” Mr Dasgupta said.

Fiscal Situation in West Bengal:Canard and Facts

SECTIONS of the media and the Trinamool Congress have repeatedly asserted that the reign of the Left Front government for the last 34 years has ruined the state finances and the burden of debt on the people of West Bengal is such that the new government will be in a difficult position to pay the salaries of the state government employees. Even after assuming power, the same canard is continuing. Amit Mitra, the new finance minister of state has himself joined in the campaign. The facts however show a completely different story.

Fact 1: The total debt of West Bengal currently stands at Rs 1,98,195 crore (2010-11). The total debt of Uttar Pradesh is Rs 2,34,581 crore while that of Maharashtra is Rs 2,36,526 crore in the same year. So, it is not the case that only West Bengal has a debt problem.

Fact 2: The fact of the matter is that the debt of all the states taken together has increased significantly over the last 20 years. In 1991, the total debt of all the states was Rs 1,28,155 crore which has increased to Rs 18,20,155 crore in 2011. In other words, the overall debt of all the states increased 14 times over the last 20 years. (Source: Study of State Finances, Reserve Bank of India)

Fact 3: The Debt-GSDP ratio, which is a better measure for the debt situation, has decreased significantly in West Bengal from 47 per cent in 2005-08 to 40.8 per cent in 2010-11. This signifies that the debt situation of West Bengal is actually improving rather than worsening.

Fact 4: Out of the total debt, 41.8 per cent comes from National Small Savings Fund (NSSF), because West Bengal has the highest mobilisation of Small Savings Fund. For all the states taken together, only 29.53 per cent of the total debt comes from NSSF. Now the central government has made it mandatory for state governments to borrow from NSSF. Since West Bengal has high NSSF deposits, so it has a higher debt burden. Moreover, the interest rate charged by the central government on NSSF loans is very high. This further aggravates the debt problem of West Bengal.

Fact 5: The monthly expenditure of the state government on salaries, pensions, subsidies and interest payments is Rs 3973 crore while the revenue mobilisation per month is Rs 4412 crore. Therefore, there is no question of non-payment of salaries to the employees. Over the last 34 years, the salaries of the employees have never been stopped. In fact, immediately after the new government took over, the chief minister announced that salaries for teachers funded by state government will be given on the first day of every month. This proves that there was no issue of non-payment of salaries because of fiscal problems.

Fact 6: The loan of the state government in April-May last year was Rs 5790crore, comprising of Rs 1790 crore from NSSF and Rs 4000 crore from the market. In April-May this year the loan of the state government is Rs 5678 crore, comprising of Rs 505 crore from NSSF and Rs 5173 crore from the market. In other words, the loan taken by the state government in the last two months is less than the amount taken as loan in the same months last year. In fact, within days of assuming power, the new government has decided to take loans of Rs 500 crore from NSSF and Rs 3000 crore from market.

The basic idea behind the charge against the erstwhile Left Front government is that it took too much responsibility in providing succour to wide sections of working people. The Left Front government, apart from paying all school and college teachers directly, also provided wages for all municipal and various local government administration. It also initiated the scheme of distribution of rice at Rs 2 per kg, shared the burden of provident fund of nearly 28 lakh unorganised workers. The Left Front government was the last to accept FRBM Act, causing much heartburn for neo-liberal proponents.