Mamata actually anti-Left and anti-democracy : Mishra

Frontline, Volume 29 - Issue 20 :: Oct. 06-19, 2012

Live Bites - Surjya Kanta Mishra, CPI(M) Polit Bureau member said: The stand we have taken on the reform agenda that is being pushed in such a hurry by the Centre is an uncompromising stand and should not be considered in terms of an increase or decrease in the percentage of votes. Ours is a principled stand and is distinctly different from what Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has taken. Her tactics are simply to occupy the Left’s space.

She does not address the root of the problems relating to the neoliberal policies of the Centre. I had joked earlier that instead of the slogan “Maa Mati Manush” [which she raised when she campaigned for the Assembly elections], Mamata is talking more about American President Barack Obama—even about inviting him to the celebration of the 150th birth anniversary of Vivekananda. Then there have been visits by Nancy Powell [U.S. Ambassador to India] and Hillary Clinton [U.S. Secretary of State], who came and had one-to-one talks with the Chief Minister. Can she not see the forces of imperialism working here? How the ruling class is succumbing to the pressures created by them? All that the Chief Minister was doing at the Centre was bargaining for some package or advantage, even during the presidential election.

Her apparent Left-like stand is actually anti-Left and anti-democracy. You can see that in the way she has attacked the trade unions, the way she has handled the all-India strikes, and the way she refused to accept the peasant suicides and the plight of workers, and the manner in which she has reversed the process of democratic decentralisation and land reforms. It reminds me of the trade unions that Mussolini led and the interpretation of socialism by the Nazis.’

Massive Rally Gives Warning to TMC Govt

NORTH 24 PARGANAS PEOPLE RAISE THE BANNER OF PROTEST

KOLKATA, 1^ST OCTOBER: Kolkata witnessed another mammoth rally on October 1, signaling growing discontent and mounting protest against the Trinamool Congress-led state government. The rally, called by CPI(M) North 24 Parganas district committee, saw tens of thousands of people from all corners of the district converging in Rani Rashmoni road, inundating the heart of the city with streams of people. The central slogan of the rally was “Stop terror, Run the state”. The rally was preceded by month long intensive campaign throughout the district highlighting the demands of the people as well as protesting the neo-liberal attack on toiling masses.

Right from the morning thousands of people began to assemble in Kolkata. Some people came from distant areas of Sundarbans after hours of journey. A special train from Bangaon in Bangladesh border arrived with full of people. Hundreds of people came from Haroa and adjoining areas which are terror-stricken. Students and youth were visibly enthusiastic while participating in their processions. Industrial workers, including jute workers, came from famed and now distressed Barrackpore industrial area. Surprisingly, IT employees from Salt Lake were also present in good numbers. On top of these, a colourful procession of around 50,000 people marched from Sealdah station to the venue of the public meeting.

Addressing the gathering, Biman Basu, state secretary of CPI(M), said that the crisis-ridden USA was trying to shift its economic burden on to the Indian people. They are forcing the Indian government to orient its policies to suit their interests. The UPA government is surrendering to these pressures and heaping intolerable burden on the common man. Trinamool Congress remained silent when they were inside the ruling coalition. Even now, while they are opposing FDI in retail, they are silent on the role of the US. The pseudo-Left posture of Trinamool Congress is a part of wider design, he said.

Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, Polit Bureau member of CPI(M), said criminals and anti-socials have started to think that the current state government is their own government. The irresponsible comments from the highest executive head of the state has repeatedly encouraged criminal activities like murder, extortion, intimidation, rape and other forms of crime against women.

Bhattacharjee vehemently attacked the industrial policy of the state government. Drawing the example of Singur, Bhattacharya said that Trinamool Congress is still moving on the same path because of which no investment is coming to the state and no employment has also been created in the last one and half years. He attacked the government on the issue of reservations to minority communities. He said that the present government has completely rejected the process of reservations to minorities in jobs initiated by the earlier Left Front government of the state. Raising the issue of farmer suicides, Bhattacharjee said the current government has utterly failed to provide remunerative prices to the farmers.

Both Basu and Bhattacharjee criticised the way the panchayats are being attacked in the state. They strongly expressed the determination of the Left to not concede even an inch without resistance in the coming panchayat elections despite being under severe attack.

Surya Kanta Mishra, leader of opposition in the West Bengal state assembly, said that the government brought a resolution against FDI in the assembly, which was not opposed by the Left Front. But the Left Front wanted to introduce a small amendment to the resolution by incorporating the word ‘neo-liberalism’ and ‘imperialism’, which was not accepted by the government. He raised a question on the credibility of TMC’s role on the FDI issue. Dr Mishra also said that the Party is ready to face panchayet elections at any point of time.

Gautam Deb, North 24 Parganas district secretary of CPI(M), said that this rally was not called to oust the state government. It is a warning to the government. The Left Front has showed extreme restraint for the last sixteen months. But if the state government does not mend its ways, they must be prepared to face huge mass resistance.

Though it was a rally called by CPI(M), Left Front leaders were present on the occasion and addressed the rally. Veteran Forward Block leader Ashok Ghosh saw in the rally signs of rejuvenation of the Left in the state. Manjukumar Majumdar, state secretary of CPI, urged for bigger struggles. Khiti Goswami, state secretary of RSP, also addressed the gathering. Amitav Nandy and Tarit Topdar explained the demands of the district. The meeting was presided over by Md Amin, veteran trade union leader.

A charter of demands was also submitted on behalf of the Left Front North 24 Parganas on various demands of the district to the industry minister Partha Chatterjee.

One of the most touching part of the rally was the solidarity with the families of the martyrs. CPI(M) North 24 Parganas district committee reached to 30 lakh people to raise money to help these families. Families of 50 martyrs were given Rs 1 lakh each. The family members of the martyrs were showered with respect from the entire gathering.

West Bengal Left Front Govt’s Stand On Allocation of Coal Blocks

The prime minister in his written statement laid on the table of both the Houses of Parliament amidst din, said, amongst other things, that the Left Front government in West Bengal had opposed the auction process for allocation of coal mines. This is a distortion of facts. We are reproducing below a note on this entire matter that explains the stand of the CPI(M)-led Left Front government on this matter.

IN the context of the shift of strategy of the Coal India Limited (CIL) and its subsidiaries on the issue of mining of coal in the public sector, the central government took a policy decision in the mid 2000s to open up the coal sector to the private players in keeping with its policy framework to deregulate and privatise – a departure from the hitherto-followed-policy to strengthen the public sector in overall national interest. The policy of the central government was essentially tailored on the recommendations of the Hoda Committee, which the Left Front government had found detrimental to the growth of domestic industries.

With the ‘Policy Resolution on Industries, 1994’ in place, the Left Front government was mandated to achieve its Eleventh Plan objectives with focus on the core sectors like power and steel. Keeping this perspective in view and fully sensing the unfolding realities, the Left Front government requested the  central government to allocate Coal Blocks, which the Coal India Limited and its subsidiaries were not inclined to mine, to the state government to meet the industrial requirements of the state.

The union coal secretary vide his letter No. 13016/18/2005-CA.1 dated 21st September 2005 wrote to the chief secretary to the government of West Bengal  that “the central government is considering allocation of suitable Coal Blocks to state government undertakings /companies through government route provided that the state undertakings/ companies, i.e. Mineral Development Corporation /Power Utilities etc. are authorised to undertake coal mining in terms of the provisions of their Memorandum and Articles of Association .”

Subsequently, the central government constituted a Screening Committee with union coal secretary as chairman where representatives of various state governments were invited for discussion and decision on the allocation of Coal Blocks after examining the applications received from the state governments as well as from the private entities. So far as the Left Front government of West Bengal is concerned, it  requested the central government from time to time to allocate  20 Coal Blocks in favour of the West Bengal Mineral Development and Trading Corporation (WBMDTC)/ West Bengal Power Development Corporation Ltd (WBPDCL), under State Dispensation route through Screening Committee mechanism. The state government vide Commerce & Industries’ Department letter No. 10694 /Pr.S/C&I dated 18th June, 2007 submitted a list of 20 Coal Blocks (all located within the territorial boundary of West Bengal) for allocation.

It is to be noted in this connection that the Trans Damodar and Ichhapur Coal Blocks had already been allotted by the central government in favour of WBMDTC on 14.01.2005 and 02.08.2006 respectively. 

LF GOVT OPPOSED PRIVATE PLAYERS

Again, the state government through chief secretary’s letter No. 314-CS/2007 dated 24th October 2007 explained the state government’s perspective for allocation of Coal Blocks under State Dispensation route as well its concern against central government’s preference for the private players which constituted a marked departure from central government’s own policy as communicated vide No. 38035/2/97-CA dated 12th  December 2001 and No. 13016/18/2005-CA.1 dated 21st September 2005.

The  state government further vide chief secretary’s DO letter No. 314-CS dated 24th October 2007 wrote: “One of the options to meet… the requirements of coal for … the projects is, of course, to ensure availability through Coal India Ltd., and particularly Eastern Coalfields Limited (ECL) and Bharat Coking Coal Limited (BCCL). However, during our discussion with representatives of CIL, ECL and BCCL, it transpired that the present availability of coking and non-coking coal with these companies do not permit them to meet these additional requirements even in the foreseeable future.

“The second option, therefore, is to ensure availability of coal to these new projects through exploration and mining of virgin coal blocks recently put up for allocation by your ministry. But, at the same time, the state government is opposed to the idea of direct allocation of such coal blocks to these companies to guard against chances of diversion, non-utilisation/part utilisation and related unforeseen possibilities. The state government would like the West Bengal Mineral Development and Trading Corporation Ltd (WBMDTC), which is a fully state government owned corporation for mining and trading operations, to operate these new Blocks for meeting the requirement of new greenfield steel and power projects in the state.

“To our surprise, however, it has been observed that the Coal Screening Committee recommended allocation of such Coal Blocks to private companies in spite of specific recommendation of the state government that such Coal Blocks should be allocated only to WBMDTC. The recent recommendation of the Screening Committee on Gourangdih ABC may kindly be referred to. The state government is also unable to understand as to why private companies are being recommended for allocation of Coal Blocks which have been specifically earmarked for State dispensation/ government company route. In fact, all the 20 that we have previously requested for allocation to WBMDTC – all being to this specific category of State dispensation /government company route, we strongly feel that private companies should not be given access to Coal Blocks which have been earmarked for the State dispensation route. Another point raised by the Screening Committee in its meeting is that WBMDTC had in itself not applied for allocation of these Coal Blocks. Since WBMDTC is only a subsidiary corporation under the state government and since the state government as the principal body has specifically requested for allocation of Coal Blocks to WBMDTC as early as December 2006 and January 2007, we feel that the issue of WBMDTC having not itself applied for these Blocks is not relevant. The state government strongly opposes any allocation of Coal Blocks to any private company particularly those which are earmarked for State dispensation /government company route.”

The state government further stated to the central government vide chief secretary’s DO letter No. 107-CS/2008 dated 8th February 2008 that “the state government is fully conscious of the paucity of coal which is a useful industry raw material and the need for its optimal utilisation. Accordingly, our whole effort is directed to providing fillip to the coal mining process simultaneously through WBMDTC and private efforts, and at the same time, boost the industrial resurgence of the state.”

VIEWS ON THE NEW LEGISLATION

In 2008, the central government came up with a new legislative intent seeking to replace the existing Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Act, 1957. The state government vide  principal secretary, Commerce & Industries, Department’s DO letter No. 2247/Pr.S dated 10th August 2009 communicated its views on the Draft MM (DR) Act 2009. A few changes were suggested. It was spelt out in the letter that the views of the state government as presented in the meeting convened by the central government in Delhi on August 10, 2009 would form part of the suggested changes. Among the views presented by the representative of the state government attending the said meeting in Delhi, the following  points deserve special mention.

“While competitive bidding for transparent and rational allocation process is a principle that cannot be faulted, the proposition neither defines the role of the states nor safeguards their interests. In fact, with this proposal the legal position, already tilted in favor of the central government, gets further distorted. Therefore, the state government urges that the power to invite applications to grant of mining lease should be devolved on the state government. However, while doing so, the qualifications of the applicants must be clearly defined and the bidding process must assign appropriate weights to the investments on account of value addition, end-use and improvement of infrastructure in the mineral bearing area.”

It was further communicated to the government of India that if the government of India persists with its proposal of vesting itself with the powers in the extant Act under the proposed amendment, the state government’s serious reservations against the proposition can be enumerated as given below:

i.                                            The Screening Committee route confers on the state governments the onus and freedom of making recommendations on the basis of value additions the end-use proponents desire to make. Despite the New Mineral Policy actively encouraging value additions, competitive bidding route will curtail such possibilities drastically, skewing further the imbalance between exploitation of mining reserves and captive mining. Needless to say, the two locations of captive mining and end-use project may not be co-terminus in the proposed regime.

ii.                                          Fast-track exploration needs, envisioned in the New Mineral Policy 2008 (NMP), would require simplified procedure to facilitate establishment of mineral reserves and inventory preparation by deploying state-of-the-art techniques, technology and equipment. This proposal militates against NMP’s stipulation of involving the private sector in a scientific and speedy prospecting and exploration process, given the Standing Committee’s caveat of only explored blocks being put to such competitive bidding. As per available information out of 17,300 sq. km of potential coal bearing area in the country, until the end of Tenth Plan, only 11,865 sq. km area has been regionally/promotionally explored. To cite a state-specific example, in West Bengal out of the total coal resource forecast of GSI of 28.32 billion tonnes, only 11.65 billion tonnes are in the proved category of which so far only 2 billion tonnes has been extracted. The hiatus between the available geological and extractable/extracted resources is too large to be ignored.

iii.                                        States like West Bengal, largely dependent on coal for thermal power generation, may get left out if competitive bidding is resorted for allocating coal blocks.

iv.                                       The financial strength of highest bidder would tilt the allocation process in favour of large companies. This would contravene the need for equity in allocation to small and medium producers, whose dependence on fuel supply linkage through public sector utilities would only grow.  The ground experience of poor qualitative and quantitative delivery management by these utilities especially after introduction of New Coal Distribution Policy 2008 is, however, not very encouraging.

v.                                         Despite abundance of coal resources in West Bengal, the state is totally dependent on coal allocation/ linkage of fuel supply by the union coal ministry for its upcoming new steel projects and ongoing power projects.  For both, its coal requirements can be easily met from existing reserves if the state is delegated the power of allocation of Coal Blocks located within its geographical boundaries. Such a step would not only save considerable money and time involved in allocation, but also substantially cut down the gestation period of these capital-intensive projects. Likewise, such decision for the power projects, whose fuel supply linkage is currently being met partly from ECL coalfields and partly from outside West Bengal, would end the criss-cross movement of coal, besides huge logistics operations for rail-road movement, rake availability and supply chain sustenance.

vi.                                       Production of steel, cement and sponge iron requires higher grade of coal with some specific properties while for power generation any kind of coal can be used. Sub-optimal utilisation of higher grade of coal in the competitive bidding process cannot be ruled out.

vii.                                     The Standing Committee has rightly highlighted the need for creation of Area Development Authorities for improving the community welfare and peripheral development in the mining areas through a special Local Coal Area Development Authority. Earmarking of funds for this purpose alone would leave the essential area of social development untouched by the highest bidder, as his priority would be to focus on maximum extraction in the mining area and maximum attention to end-use site.

viii.                                   The experience hitherto gained in captive mining allocation to private end-use projects does not evoke enough confidence that scaling-up of the process would accelerate the two processes of coal mining with commissioning of end-use project in a concomitant and time-bound manner.

It is necessary to mention that the government of India allocated to the WBMDTC only 6 Coal Blocks from  January  2005 to December 2007 under State dispensation/ government company route despite repeated request of the state government to allocate 20 Coal Blocks for meeting the industrial requirements of the state. 

Further, in response to the DO letter No. F-01/447 dated 7th November 2009 of the minister-in-charge of the Department of Commerce & Industries, government of West Bengal, the minister of state (independent charge) of coal, government of India, vide his DO letter No. 38036/1/2009-CA-I dated 20th November 2009 intimated that “at present there is no proposal for allocation of Coal Blocks either through government company dispensation route or Screening Committee route under consideration of the ministry.” In response to DO letter No. F-01/AD-533 dated 11th November 2009 of the minister-in-charge, Commerce & Industries Department, Govt of West Bengal, the union minister for  coal vide his DO letter No. 38036/1/2009-CA-I dated 17th December 2009 the views communicated were no different.

The state government of West Bengal had, however, been persistent in its efforts for  having the Coal Blocks allocated through State dispensation/ government company route from the beginning. In his DO letter No. F-01/196 dated 29th March 2010 to the union minister for coal,  the minister-in-charge, Commerce and Industries, Govt of West Bengal  reiterated the same stand but to no avail. The fact, however, remains that the state government of West Bengal had never opposed competitive bidding. What it has always insisted upon is that the ‘State dispensation route/government company’ route should not be bartered away to the private companies in the interests of the states.

People's Democracy, September 02, 2012

Surya Kanta Mishra: “The attack on democracy is even more intense in the rural areas.”

Interview with Surya Kanta Mishra, CPI(M) Polit Bureau member and Leader of the Opposition in the West Bengal Assembly by SUHRID SANKAR CHATTOPADHYAY. FRONTLINE, Volume 29 - Issue 09:: May. 05-18, 2012 ‘In denial mode'

“IT is as though criminals have started thinking that it is their government.” Surya Kanta Mishra, Leader of the Opposition in the West Bengal Assembly and Polit Bureau member of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), feels that West Bengal is heading towards becoming an “anarchic State”.

In an interview to Frontline, Mishra spoke about issues ranging from the rise in violence in the State, the Mamata Banerjee government's policies and its claims of achievements made in the past one year. “Instead of taking the State forward from where it stood a year ago, they are reversing the process of progress and development, undoing all that had been achieved. The future really looks gloomy,” he said. Excerpts:

The CPI(M) has adopted a policy of wait and watch before making any proper assessment of the Trinamool government. But what is your preliminary assessment a year after it came to power? In which direction do you think the State is heading?

We had never said that we would not be critical. We said we would play the role of a responsible Opposition. We will not oppose for the sake of opposing as they [the Trinamool] did. There is a fundamental difference between our opposition and theirs. When Mamata Banerjee was announcing her achievements after 100 days or after 200 days [since assuming power], we pointed out that one could not make a proper assessment in such a short time. The problem is that she started claiming that she had completed 90 per cent of the work. We did not want any report card from her, nor did we want to grade her.

But one thing that has become clear after almost a year is that the government does not have any vision. It is directionless. They have neither any concrete programme, nor any sense of priority. They are trying to rush things through, which is proving counterproductive, be it in the area of industry, land, or problems in the Darjeeling hills. Every time they try to resolve an issue, they complicate matters further.

But one thing that the Chief Minister should not have done – a promise she has not kept – is the assault on democratic institutions and democracy in general. This is dangerous, and we had earlier warned that this assault would not be confined to us, the CPI(M). It will spread.

As to where the State is headed, nobody really knows. All that was done before is now being undone – like land reforms, the establishment of a democratic, decentralised panchayat system and other institutions of participatory democracy. Our successes in the agrarian sector, based on which we were setting up industries – all such processes are being reversed. This is endangering the overall growth of the State. I will not yet say that an anarchic situation is prevalent here, but I fear it is heading in that direction.

Over the last several months political violence and crime have been on the increase. Do you think the government is doing enough to curb them?

The violence against us has increased a lot. Since May 2011 [when the Trinamool-led government came to power], around 4,800 Left workers and supporters have had to be hospitalised – most of them in serious condition. A large number of them have, in fact, been crippled by acts of violence. After coming to power, the Trinamool forcefully occupied more than 700 CPI(M) offices.

The situation is particularly bad for Left workers and supporters in the eight districts of Pashchim Medinipur, Bardhaman, Bankura, Hooghly, Purbo Medinipur, Cooch Behar and the North and South 24 Parganas. In the first four districts that I mentioned, it is no longer possible to carry out even simple democratic functions; more than 40,000 Left workers have been driven out of their homes, party offices have been forcefully occupied, hefty fines have been imposed upon them. We have a detailed list of these figures.

It is not possible to understand the situation by the number of killings alone. In the 1970s, under the Congress government, there were more killings of Left workers. But the situation of silent terror that is prevalent today is more effective in demoblilising any political opposition. It is not that they are perpetrating such terror in places where the Left is weak; in fact, it is worst where we have a reasonably strong support base – like the first four districts that I just mentioned. You can see how we were proved right when we said that this violence would be directed not only against us; today, Congress workers are being attacked. Even sections within the Trinamool camp are fighting each other.

Apart from political violence, general crime has also increased greatly. It is as though criminals have started thinking that it is their government; and the police and the administration are just not handling the situation in a proper manner.

With all these things happening around us, the Chief Minister remains in denial mode, insisting that nothing has really happened. In none of the incidents of violence and crime – be it the Park Street rape case, the murder of two CPI(M) leaders in broad daylight in Bardhaman, or the rape on a train in Katwa – has the Chief Minister condemned the acts or apologised for them. Instead, she said they were orchestrated incidents.

What is your opinion on the government's policy relating to land acquisition for industries?

First, I would like to say, regarding land, that thousands of people in rural Bengal have been ousted in the last one year. Even Trinamool supporters have not been spared.

Now, regarding the State government's land acquisition policy. The government claims that it is against acquiring land on behalf of industries. So how can land be acquired for industrial purposes? Their solution has been to lift the land ceiling, so investors can directly buy land – but the government will have no role in acquiring land from the farmers. Unfortunately, this will empower the land mafia and the land sharks, and as a result, farmers will be denied their rightful compensation and rehabilitation packages, which will not happen if the government acquires the land.

Moreover, big manufacturing industries will be reluctant to come, as they know how difficult it will be for them, without the intervention of the government, to get the kind of land required to set up large plants. The situation is not conducive to big industries.

Not just in the case of land. The present government does not really have a proper industrial policy. Take the case of power. When we were in government, we left behind for the State a surplus; the present government is now in such a state that it has to reduce power generation to minimise losses. Moreover, the way the resource mobilisation plan has been done, nobody knows where funds for infrastructure development will come from. The process of industrialisation is not just about giving land. It is important that the atmosphere is also conducive to industrial growth.

What is the government's major achievement in its first year in power?

Apparently, the Darjeeling hills are peaceful – which everyone can see is not the case – and peace has returned to Jangalmahal. But this is just an illusion of peace. It cannot be considered an achievement, as it is paving the way for another wave of problems. Then, of course, there are a whole lot of promises that are yet to be kept. The only positive work that I feel the government has done is to have decided not to set up the Legislative Council as it had decided earlier. We opposed this decision, and they finally dropped the idea.

Instead of taking the State forward from where it stood a year ago, we are seeing that they are reversing the process of progress and development, undoing all that had been achieved. The future really does look gloomy.

There has been some disenchantment with the government among the urban middle class. Do you think this has spread to rural voters? Will it have an impact on the upcoming panchayat elections?

We have seen disillusionment among the urban middle class, even among those who voted for a change. But the attack on democracy that we talked about is even more intense in the rural areas. On top of all that, there is major distress in the agrarian sector, as is evident in the spate of suicides by farmers and agricultural workers groaning under the burden of debt.

Whether this will influence the results of the upcoming panchayat elections is very difficult to say. The ruling party has been threatening to prevent the Opposition from fielding candidates. It all depends on whether our candidates will be allowed to file their nominations. But I will say that when people start understanding the implications of what is happening around them, they will get disillusioned. But to go into the mode of active resistance takes some time. 

Mamata’s paranoia

Deccan Herald, ‎Aug 18, 2012

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee is becoming more and more intolerant and paranoid about individuals who question her and institutions which she is oath-bound to protect.

courtesy@write choice.in 

A simple question asked by a villager at a public meeting about rising fertiliser prices and farmer deaths was enough to brand to him a Maoist. Even though he was in fact a supporter of her own party, he was arrested, let off and rearrested and is now facing charges which may land him in prison. Some students got into trouble a few weeks ago for asking her questions she did not like in a TV talk show. A professor was arrested for forwarding on the internet a cartoon that lampooned her. Any word of criticism is taken as a sign of a conspiracy to unseat her.

The allergy to adverse comments and unfavourable opinions extends to institutions also. Earlier this week she cast aspersions on the judiciary and judicial bodies by claiming that judgments can be bought for money. The statement was made at an official seminar in the West Bengal Assembly. It was highly inappropriate and irresponsible on the part of the chief minister to make a sweeping statement about the judicial system in public in so cavalier a manner.

The immediate reason for the tirade, it may be assumed, might have been the striking down of the Singur land legislation by the Calcutta high court. If there is dissatisfaction with the working of the judiciary or a specific complaint against any judge, there are institutional ways of redressing it. It is wrong to make charges without substantiating them and throw mud on the entire judicial system.

Mamata also criticised ‘committees and commissions in the country’ for their lack of ‘accountability’ after the state human rights commission awarded compensation to two people, including the professor who circulated the cartoon, and recommended action against the policemen who arrested them. Obviously the comment was an attempt to hit back at the body whose order has embarrassed her.

The increasingly intolerant ways and words of the chief minister has started creating discomfort even among her supporters. There are cases of people losing their freedom or lives for asking inconvenient questions in authoritarian societies. But questions are vital in a democracy and Mamata Banerjee is yet to learn this. She should remember that she came to power after posing to the people of the state questions about the Left Front government.

http://www.deccanherald.com/content/272357/mamatas-paranoia.html

Zero tolerance

By SUHRID SANKAR CHATTOPADHYAY

FRONTLINE, Volume 29 - Issue 17 :: Aug. 25-Sep. 07, 2012

Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s absolute intolerance of criticism resurfaces with the arrest of a farmer.

Mamata Banerjee. Her apparent paranoia has made her overdependent on the police.

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has made it very clear that she will not tolerate dissent, criticism and jokes against her government and that police action will be initiated against her critics. First came the arrest of a professor who forwarded an innocuous cartoon of her by e-mail; then came the branding of a college student who asked her an uncomfortable question on a private television channel’s chat show as a Maoist; and now an indigent farmer has been detained for voicing his grievances to the Chief Minister at a public meeting.

All Shiladitya Chowdhury, a farmer from Binpur, did was to point out to Mamata Banerjee at a rally at Belpahari in Pashchim Medinipur district that the rise in fertilizer prices was ruining farmers. But that was enough for the angry Chief Minister to label him a “Maoist” and have him arrested under non-bailable sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC).

On August 8, like thousands of others in the region, Shiladitya had gone to attend Mamata Banerjee’s rally at Belpahari. The area was until recently a known Maoist belt, and so the Chief Minister’s rally was taking place amid heavy security. Shiladitya, who was sitting in the front row beyond the security cordon, got up in between and loudly said that farmers were dying and were not getting proper prices for their produce, that fertilizer prices were increasing, and that the government was not doing enough to redress farmers’ grievances.

Mamata Banerjee reacted aggressively, pointing him out in the crowd and ordering the police to catch him. As he was being led away, she referred to him as a Maoist who had sneaked into the rally ground to create disturbance. Upon questioning Shiladitya, the police found that he had no links with the banned Communist Party of India (Maoist) and allowed him to return home. But later, the Jhargram Superintendent of Police, Bharati Ghosh, reportedly claimed that Shiladitya had “escaped” before the interrogation was completed – a feat that is difficult if not impossible given the heavy security at the venue.

After his “escape”, Shiladitya went straight home to Nayagram, but the police waited two whole days before picking him up again on the night of August 10. This time he was arrested under Sections 332 (voluntarily causing hurt to deter public servant from his duty, a non-bailable offence), 353 (assault or use of criminal force to deter public servant from discharge of his duty, non-bailable), 447 (criminal trespass, bailable) and 506 (criminal intimidation, bailable). The following morning he was produced before a district court and remanded in judicial custody for 14 days.

The arrest raised a storm of protest from a cross section of the media and civil society. Political parties, both allies of the Trinamool Congress and those in the opposition, spoke out in one voice against the arrest. Communist Party of India (Marxist) Member of Parliament Nilotpal Basu said the arrest was tantamount to “autocracy” while West Bengal Pradesh Congress Committee general secretary Om Prakash Mishra called it a “bizarre case of heightened intolerance”.

Ambikesh Mahapatra, the Jadavpur University professor who was arrested in the cartoon case. The West Bengal Human Rights Commission has recommended that the State government compensate him.

The strongest criticism came from an unexpected source – Chairman of the Press Council of India and former Supreme Court judge Markandey Katju, who had, months earlier, showered praise on Mamata Banerjee for her integrity and uprightness. “Her action is most undemocratic, to say the least. I had earlier given a statement in favour of Mamata Banerjee…. But now I have changed my opinion and believe she is totally undeserving to be a political leader in a democratic country like India…,” he reportedly said. He also warned officials carrying out her orders that they could face a situation similar to those sentenced in the Nuremberg trials.

Even in her days in the opposition when she was heading the violent agitation in Singur that led to the departure of Tata Motors’ small car project from the State, she reacted angrily to any question she perceived to be critical of her movement. The term “Tata’s agent” was attributed to anyone asking her an uncomfortable question. But after assuming charge as the Chief Minister of West Bengal in 2011, her threshold for tolerance of any perceived criticism has been diminishing at an alarming rate.

Apart from Ambikesh Mahapatra, a Jadavpur University professor of chemistry, Subrata Sengupta, septuagenarian retired engineer, was arrested for forwarding by e-mail a month-old cartoon relating to Mamata Banerjee’s insistence on removing the then Union Railway Minister, Dinesh Trivedi, from the Cabinet and replacing him with present Railway Minister, Mukul Roy. Her branding of young students who asked her uncomfortable questions on a television chat show as “Maoists” came a month later. As she stormed off the set, she asked the police to take photographs of those who had posed difficult questions to her.

There are many who feel that Mamata Banerjee appears to be constantly looking over her shoulder for unseen enemies. This apparent paranoia, say others, perhaps explains her overdependence on the police. “Apart from the intolerance and undue haste that characterises the present government so far, there appears to be a more-than-necessary dependence on the police. This may be harmful in the long run for any democratic polity,” a senior government official told Frontline. Despite all the criticism, the Mamata Banerjee government has remained unapologetic. On each occasion she and her party leaders defiantly justify their stance, no matter how illogical their justifications may appear.

In the cartoon case, the government and the party’s interpretations of the innocuous mail ranged from being “lewd and obscene” to indicating a sinister plot to kill Mamata Banerjee. The farmer’s voicing of his grievances was interpreted as a dangerous bid to breach security and cause mayhem. Mukul Roy, who was present at that meeting, claimed that Shiladitya was drunk and pushed the police personnel and women around him, although video recordings of the incident show no evidence of such action. Shiladitya, who hails from a family of policemen, had been selected for a training programme at the Central Reserve Police Force camp at Binpur.

As with the previous incidents, this time, too, the Trinamool leaders’ excuses serve only to diminish the credibility of the ruling party. “It is not what he said but how he said it that was offensive,” a Trinamool Congress source told Frontline.

HRC Report

In a development that has caused much embarrassment to the State government, the West Bengal Human Rights Commission’s report on the cartoon incident has recommended that the State government compensate both Mahapatra and Sengupta by paying them Rs.50,000 each for the manner in which they were arrested and detained and take action against the policemen responsible for the arrest. The report states: “Citizens who are expressing or airing a critical opinion about the ruling party cannot be picked up from their residence by the police at the instance of an agitated mob whose members are unhappy with the critical views of those two persons. If this is allowed to continue, then not only the human rights of the dissenters will perish but free speech, which is the life blood of our democracy, will be gagged. Constitutional provisions will be reduced to parchment promises and we will be heading towards a totalitarian regime in complete negation of democratic values….” The Commission also made it clear that “no one can attribute even remotely any suggestion which is lewd or indecent and slang” in respect of the cartoon that was forwarded.

Though it is not binding upon the State government to follow the recommendations, according to political analysts, governments normally abide by such suggestions. What remains to be seen is whether the present report will prompt the Mamata Banerjee government to avoid such embarrassments in the future. 

Achievements of Left Front Govt are Ineradicable

EMINENT SPEAKERS OPINE IN KOLKATA

KOLKATA, 20^th JUNE: THE achievements of the Left Front government of West Bengal, made during its 34 years long journey, are indelible and no amount of slander can wipe them off. This was the opinion several eminent speakers voiced in a seminar that was organised in Kolkata to commemorate the day of establishment of first Left Front government in West Bengal in June 1977. The seminar, organised by the Left Front, turned into a huge gathering at Nazrul Mancha.

C P Chandrasekhar, an eminent economist, tracked the policy perspective of successive governments in India after independence and identified the alternatives thrown up by the Left led governments. According to him, the Left Front government of West Bengalwas a manifestation of these alternative policies in action, though within structural limitations. Chandrasekhar said the most glaring success of that government was the land reforms through which the agrarian crisis was addressed. Despite initial backwardness and stagnation in the seventies, West Bengal recorded evident successes on social indices including infant mortality, maternal mortality and education. 

N Ram, distinguished journalist, recalled the days of semi-fascist terror in West Bengal in the seventies, and commented, “Many friends in media chose not to know or not to inform.” He said the Left Front assumed office in a terrible situation when the youths were frustrated, education was in a doldrums, and democracy was in peril. The Left Front government then brought about a social security.

Ram emphasised that land reforms not only ensured distributive justice, they actually empowered the peasantry and contributed in the growth of production. Those successes are now in danger under the new regime. Already 61 farmers have committed suicide in West Bengal. Any attempt to reverse the land reforms in the state would invite disasters.

Ram lauded the role of the West Bengal’s Left Front government in poverty reduction, decentralisation of power through panchayats and, on top of everything, the defence of democracy. The civil liberties and democratic rights of the people were safeguarded under the Left Front government. “The initial trends of the new government have sent ominous signals of intolerance,” he said. Ram then added, “Left Front leaders have soberly accepted the defeat in the elections and have reacted with patience but there should be serious watch that the rights of people are not lost.”

Ashok Mitra, the finance minister of first Left Front government, sharply criticised those who talk of so called ‘misrule’ of the said 34 years. Maitra said the ‘misrule’ was that more than 60 per cent of land distribution in the entire country took place in West Bengalalone. The Left Front government ensured the minimum wages for the agricultural workers, established three tier panchayats, and ensured democratic rights of the working people including government employees.

Mitra said it was known to the Left parties and their activists that no fundamental transformation of the society would come through a state government. The aim was to rush whatever relief was possible to the people within the constitutional limitations. Tremendous successes was achieved though there were mistakes. The task of the Left is to overcome those mistakes and go forward with Leftism.

Biman Basu, chairman of Left Front, said that one of the major tasks of the first Left Front government was to restore democracy. In 1977, just after the Left Front government was formed, Comrades Jyoti Basu and Promode Dasgupta gave a call that no political retaliation should be carried out. The government freed all political prisoners.

The first Left Front government fulfilled 28 tasks of the 36 it had promised declared in election manifesto. The new government in the state which assumed office in 2011 has declared that they had already done everything that could have been done in 10 years. Let the people of West Bengal judge such unfounded proclamations.

The seminar was moderated by Professor Shobhanlal Datta Gupta.

On this occasion, the Left Font also brought about a book on the real situation of the state at present. The book, titled West Bengal: Which Way was formally inaugurated by former chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee.  

Left Front leaders paid floral tributes at the Martyrs’ Column before the programme.

People's Democracy, June 24, 2012

HALDIA SHOWS THE WAY: ‘YELLOW CARD’ to TMC GOVT.

KOLKATA, 5^th June: ELECTIONS to six municipal bodies in West Bengal, which was marked by terror, reflected signs of discontent against the TMC government.

It was particularly manifest in Left Front’s win in Haldia in East Midnapore district. It was here that the anti-Left Front anarchy reached its crescendo since the days of Nandigram. Trinamool Congress wrested East Midnapore district council in 2008, won the parliamentary seats in 2009 and all assembly constituencies of the district in 2011. Right from 2009, incessant attacks have been launched against CPI(M) in Haldia. After 2011, the trade unions in this industrial and port town were made a special target. CPI(M) offices were destroyed or captured, hundreds of workers were chased away from their workplaces. The reign of terror was led by TMC Lok Sabha member Subhendu Adhikary who proclaimed that there would be no one in Haldia to hold Red flags. Frontline CPI(M) leaders were jailed under false cases.

During the elections to the municipal body, CPI(M) and Left Front could not conduct peaceful campaign even for a single day. Candidates were threatened with dire consequences, their families attacked. As Congress had no alliance with TMC, their candidates and potential candidates were also attacked. Congress candidates had to withdraw nomination after their family members were kidnapped. Left Front conducted determined, door-to-door campaign. Even on the day of elections, TMC hoodlums raided different areas to threaten people, though they faced resistance from the poorer sections.   

The people of Haldia rebuffed the TMC and the Left Front retained the municipality with a 15-11 margin. Out of these, 14 were won by CPI(M) and 1 by CPI. In three wards, Left Front candidates were defeated narrowly, with margins of 40 to 52 votes only.  Left Front chairman Biman Basu congratulated the people of Haldia and said that they have silently rejected the politics of terror.

The dejection of the TMC with the defeat in Haldia was very much evident. Immediately after the results were declared, TMC activists attacked the car of Tamalika Panda Seth, CPI(M) leader and outgoing chairperson of the municipal body. CPI(M) activists were attacked in different places. CPI(M) local committee office in Haldia was ransacked.

In nine wards of Durgapur Municipal Corporation, TMC went into full-scale terrorisation.  CPI(M) booth camps were attacked. In many wards, TMC activists entered into booths and took control of EVMs. CPI(M) polling agents were not allowed to enter. Booth capturing took place in many wards. TMC activists started terrorising the people from the night before. They threatened voters not to come out of houses, particularly in areas where Left has a strong presence. In some wards, police helped TMC and chased away voters from the queue. Practically, Durgapur witnessed a serious attack on the democratic rights of the people.

The Left Front has demanded repoll in 29 booths in Durgapur where CPI(M) polling agents were chased away and voters were dispersed by TMC anti-socials brought from outside the city. TMC won this corporation with 29 seats while Left Front won in 11 seats. The Congress and BJP won a seat each, while an independent won a seat.  

In Panshkura, the atmosphere was vitiated. There also Left Front cadre and even Congress cadre were not allowed to campaign freely. TMC threatened to ‘whitewash’ the opposition. TMC retained the municipality winning 12 seats while Left Front bagged 5. CPI(M) won 3 seats while CPI bagged 2. TMC’s outgoing chairman was defeated by CPI candidate. Congress failed to get any seat here.

Another setback to the TMC occurred in Congress’ hand at Coopers Camp when the latter won 11seats out of 12. Congress maintained their hold on the notified area body despite all out aggressive campaign against them by their partner in the state government. Top leaders of the both the parties were engaged in bitter exchange in Coopers Camp as well as in Nalhati in Birbhum district. TMC retained this board with thin margin, winning 8 seats while Left Front won 3, Congress 3 and BJP 1. Here too TMC’s outgoing chairman was defeated in two seats despite every attempt to get him through. In a ward, Left Front candidate was even arrested the night before the voting day and was freed on bail only in the next afternoon that too after a rebuff from court. Widespread discontent was reflected in Nalhati.

Left Front suffered defeat in Dhupguri in Jalpaiguri district. Election process was more or less peaceful here. But TMC took no chance and just before the elections they admitted Kamtapur Peoples’ Party leader Mitali Roy in their fold. KPP is a secessionist party demanding separate Kamtapur state for quite long time. TMC won 11 and Left Front 4 seats while BJP won in a ward.

Biman Basu alleged that in many areas of these six municipalities, people were terrorised and normal democratic atmosphere was lacking. TMC unleashed violence before and even after the declaration of results. This was an ominous sign for civil rights in the state.

Suryakanta Misra, leader of opposition, termed the entire results as ‘Yellow card’, a warning to TMC and its government. “If they do not mend their ways, people will show them Red card in the future”, said Misra. He also alleged that the ruling party has started fearing people within a year of assuming power. This is the reason behind their terror tactics in civic elections.

People’s Democracy

10^th June, 2012