Friday, October 26, 2012

Jangipur Bye-Election:: 18 Booths that Changed the Result!


ONLY 18 polling booths saved Congress candidate Abhijit Mukherjee to scrape through with a wafer-thin margin in Jangipur Lok Sabha bye-election in West Bengal. And, the results in these booths showed a unique feature, defying all logic and in total discrepancy with the overall pattern.

In Jangipur, Congress candidate defeated CPI(M) candidate Muzaffar Hossain by a margin of only 2536 votes. Congress candidate got 3,32,999 votes while CPI(M) candidate got 3,30,383 votes. The seat fell vacant after Pranab Mukherjee was elected President of India. In 2009, the senior Congress leader had won the seat with a margin of nearly 1,30,000 votes. The vote share of Congress came down from 54 per cent in 2009 to 39.01 per cent in 2012, a drop of nearly 15 per cent. CPI(M)’s vote share in this year’s election was 38.71 per cent. In other words, the President’s son Abhijit Mukherjee won the seat by a margin of only 0.30 per cent votes.

Another notable feature of the election was that BJP got more than 85,000 votes while two other parties, SDPI (24,691) and WPI (41,620) polled considerable votes. Though the elections took place after Trinamool Congress split from UPA at the centre and after Congress walked out of the state cabinet, the TMC decided not to contest. The formal explanation was ‘courtesy’ shown by Mamata Banerjee to Pranab Mukherjee. In the absence of TMC, the extraordinary rise of votes for BJP and other two political formations has attracted some attention in political quarters.

CPI(M) has taken a lead in four assembly constituencies while Congress in three. In 2011, Left Front won only one out of these seven assembly segments. 

All trends, however, took a U-turn in 18 polling booths in the two village panchayats of Giria Sekendra area under Raghunathganj assembly segments. This area has witnessed severe terror for last few months and most of CPI(M) activists had to flee. Left Front candidate could not enter this area during the campaign. In these booths, CPI(M) agents were not allowed to be present. Congress hoodlums captured the booths and freely voted for hours. The villagers were forced to remain outside the booths. The booth capturing was even recorded in TV footage.  Despite repeated requests, police came and stayed just for few minutes. It did not intervene effectively. The CPI(M) candidate had alerted the Election Commission much before about the possibility of booth capturing. But the state election office failed to ensure free and fair voting in these disturbed areas. The result showed that in these booths Congress candidate ‘polled’ 600 to 700 votes while CPI(M) got just 6 to 20 votes. In one such booth (in Patlatola Primary School, Booth no: 23) Congress candidate has got 679 votes out of total 685, while CPI(M) candidate has not got any vote at all. The dreaded criminals from Jharkhand were brought to terrorise the entire area. Congress candidate took a lead of more than 7000 votes from these 18 booths and thus saved the ‘prestige’ of himself and his father on whose name he fought the elections.

CPI(M) General Secretary Prakash Karat termed the result of Jangipur as ‘technical victory’ of Congress. Biman Basu, Left Front chairman pointed towards drastic reduction of votes of Congress. It was because of the anti-people policies of the centre and non implementation of promises, he asserted. CPI(M) Murshidabad district secretary Mriganka Bhattacharya rightly concluded that although the result was formally clinched in favour of Congress through manipulations and terror in the 18 booths, they were morally defeated.

Voting Pattern in 18 Booths
Booth No.
Name of the booth
Polled vote
Abhijit Mukherjee
Muzaffar Hossain
Sudhangsu Biswas
17
Labanchoya Primary Schl. (Room-1)
346
316
11
14
18
Chandpur Primary Schl. (Room-1)
591
536
10
2
19
Labanchoya Co-operative Society
350
268
46
12
20
Momintola Primary Schl.
626
586
16
5
21
Momintola Madrasha
526
481
17
1
22
Sonarpara Primary Schl.
675
606
31
4
23
Patlatola Primary Schl.
685
679
0
0
24
Bhairabtola Primary Schl.
514
216
75
177
25
Bhairabtola Health centre
479
426
27
0
26
Bhairabtola paschim Primary Schl.
521
398
72
0
27
Lalkhandiyar R C H Bhaban
512
489
15
4
28
Sekendra G P Bhaban (Room-1)
614
533
49
6
33
Giriya Kishmat Primary Schl. (Room-1)
502
435
43
1
33A
Giriya Kishmat Primary Schl. (Room-2)
354
294
94
0
36
Imamnagar Primary School (Room-1)
296
207
65
4
36A
Imamnagar Primary School (Room-2)
538
459
70
1
37
Khejutola Primary School
495
429
35
2
40
Rameswarpur Primary School
628
462
112
8

Total
9252
7820
788
241



Friday, October 12, 2012

Mamata actually anti-Left and anti-democracy : Mishra


Frontline, Volume 29 - Issue 20 :: Oct. 06-19, 2012

Live Bites - Surjya Kanta Mishra, CPI(M) Polit Bureau member said:
The stand we have taken on the reform agenda that is being pushed in such a hurry by the Centre is an uncompromising stand and should not be considered in terms of an increase or decrease in the percentage of votes. Ours is a principled stand and is distinctly different from what Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has taken. Her tactics are simply to occupy the Left’s space.

She does not address the root of the problems relating to the neoliberal policies of the Centre. I had joked earlier that instead of the slogan “Maa Mati Manush” [which she raised when she campaigned for the Assembly elections], Mamata is talking more about American President Barack Obama—even about inviting him to the celebration of the 150th birth anniversary of Vivekananda. Then there have been visits by Nancy Powell [U.S. Ambassador to India] and Hillary Clinton [U.S. Secretary of State], who came and had one-to-one talks with the Chief Minister. Can she not see the forces of imperialism working here? How the ruling class is succumbing to the pressures created by them? All that the Chief Minister was doing at the Centre was bargaining for some package or advantage, even during the presidential election.

Her apparent Left-like stand is actually anti-Left and anti-democracy. You can see that in the way she has attacked the trade unions, the way she has handled the all-India strikes, and the way she refused to accept the peasant suicides and the plight of workers, and the manner in which she has reversed the process of democratic decentralisation and land reforms. It reminds me of the trade unions that Mussolini led and the interpretation of socialism by the Nazis.’

Tuesday, October 9, 2012

Massive Rally Gives Warning to TMC Govt


NORTH 24 PARGANAS PEOPLE RAISE THE BANNER OF PROTEST




KOLKATA, 1ST OCTOBER: Kolkata witnessed another mammoth rally on October 1, signaling growing discontent and mounting protest against the Trinamool Congress-led state government. The rally, called by CPI(M) North 24 Parganas district committee, saw tens of thousands of people from all corners of the district converging in Rani Rashmoni road, inundating the heart of the city with streams of people. The central slogan of the rally was “Stop terror, Run the state”. The rally was preceded by month long intensive campaign throughout the district highlighting the demands of the people as well as protesting the neo-liberal attack on toiling masses.

Right from the morning thousands of people began to assemble in Kolkata. Some people came from distant areas of Sundarbans after hours of journey. A special train from Bangaon in Bangladesh border arrived with full of people. Hundreds of people came from Haroa and adjoining areas which are terror-stricken. Students and youth were visibly enthusiastic while participating in their processions. Industrial workers, including jute workers, came from famed and now distressed Barrackpore industrial area. Surprisingly, IT employees from Salt Lake were also present in good numbers. On top of these, a colourful procession of around 50,000 people marched from Sealdah station to the venue of the public meeting.

Addressing the gathering, Biman Basu, state secretary of CPI(M), said that the crisis-ridden USA was trying to shift its economic burden on to the Indian people. They are forcing the Indian government to orient its policies to suit their interests. The UPA government is surrendering to these pressures and heaping intolerable burden on the common man. Trinamool Congress remained silent when they were inside the ruling coalition. Even now, while they are opposing FDI in retail, they are silent on the role of the US. The pseudo-Left posture of Trinamool Congress is a part of wider design, he said.

Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, Polit Bureau member of CPI(M), said criminals and anti-socials have started to think that the current state government is their own government. The irresponsible comments from the highest executive head of the state has repeatedly encouraged criminal activities like murder, extortion, intimidation, rape and other forms of crime against women.

Bhattacharjee vehemently attacked the industrial policy of the state government. Drawing the example of Singur, Bhattacharya said that Trinamool Congress is still moving on the same path because of which no investment is coming to the state and no employment has also been created in the last one and half years. He attacked the government on the issue of reservations to minority communities. He said that the present government has completely rejected the process of reservations to minorities in jobs initiated by the earlier Left Front government of the state. Raising the issue of farmer suicides, Bhattacharjee said the current government has utterly failed to provide remunerative prices to the farmers.

Both Basu and Bhattacharjee criticised the way the panchayats are being attacked in the state. They strongly expressed the determination of the Left to not concede even an inch without resistance in the coming panchayat elections despite being under severe attack.

Surya Kanta Mishra, leader of opposition in the West Bengal state assembly, said that the government brought a resolution against FDI in the assembly, which was not opposed by the Left Front. But the Left Front wanted to introduce a small amendment to the resolution by incorporating the word ‘neo-liberalism’ and ‘imperialism’, which was not accepted by the government. He raised a question on the credibility of TMC’s role on the FDI issue. Dr Mishra also said that the Party is ready to face panchayet elections at any point of time.

Gautam Deb, North 24 Parganas district secretary of CPI(M), said that this rally was not called to oust the state government. It is a warning to the government. The Left Front has showed extreme restraint for the last sixteen months. But if the state government does not mend its ways, they must be prepared to face huge mass resistance.

Though it was a rally called by CPI(M), Left Front leaders were present on the occasion and addressed the rally. Veteran Forward Block leader Ashok Ghosh saw in the rally signs of rejuvenation of the Left in the state. Manjukumar Majumdar, state secretary of CPI, urged for bigger struggles. Khiti Goswami, state secretary of RSP, also addressed the gathering. Amitav Nandy and Tarit Topdar explained the demands of the district. The meeting was presided over by Md Amin, veteran trade union leader.

A charter of demands was also submitted on behalf of the Left Front North 24 Parganas on various demands of the district to the industry minister Partha Chatterjee.

One of the most touching part of the rally was the solidarity with the families of the martyrs. CPI(M) North 24 Parganas district committee reached to 30 lakh people to raise money to help these families. Families of 50 martyrs were given Rs 1 lakh each. The family members of the martyrs were showered with respect from the entire gathering.

Saturday, September 1, 2012

West Bengal Left Front Govt’s Stand On Allocation of Coal Blocks


The prime minister in his written statement laid on the table of both the Houses of Parliament amidst din, said, amongst other things, that the Left Front government in West Bengal had opposed the auction process for allocation of coal mines. This is a distortion of facts. We are reproducing below a note on this entire matter that explains the stand of the CPI(M)-led Left Front government on this matter.

IN the context of the shift of strategy of the Coal India Limited (CIL) and its subsidiaries on the issue of mining of coal in the public sector, the central government took a policy decision in the mid 2000s to open up the coal sector to the private players in keeping with its policy framework to deregulate and privatise – a departure from the hitherto-followed-policy to strengthen the public sector in overall national interest. The policy of the central government was essentially tailored on the recommendations of the Hoda Committee, which the Left Front government had found detrimental to the growth of domestic industries.

With the ‘Policy Resolution on Industries, 1994’ in place, the Left Front government was mandated to achieve its Eleventh Plan objectives with focus on the core sectors like power and steel. Keeping this perspective in view and fully sensing the unfolding realities, the Left Front government requested the  central government to allocate Coal Blocks, which the Coal India Limited and its subsidiaries were not inclined to mine, to the state government to meet the industrial requirements of the state.

The union coal secretary vide his letter No. 13016/18/2005-CA.1 dated 21st September 2005 wrote to the chief secretary to the government of West Bengal  that “the central government is considering allocation of suitable Coal Blocks to state government undertakings /companies through government route provided that the state undertakings/ companies, i.e. Mineral Development Corporation /Power Utilities etc. are authorised to undertake coal mining in terms of the provisions of their Memorandum and Articles of Association .”

Subsequently, the central government constituted a Screening Committee with union coal secretary as chairman where representatives of various state governments were invited for discussion and decision on the allocation of Coal Blocks after examining the applications received from the state governments as well as from the private entities. So far as the Left Front government of West Bengal is concerned, it  requested the central government from time to time to allocate  20 Coal Blocks in favour of the West Bengal Mineral Development and Trading Corporation (WBMDTC)/ West Bengal Power Development Corporation Ltd (WBPDCL), under State Dispensation route through Screening Committee mechanism. The state government vide Commerce & Industries’ Department letter No. 10694 /Pr.S/C&I dated 18th June, 2007 submitted a list of 20 Coal Blocks (all located within the territorial boundary of West Bengal) for allocation.

It is to be noted in this connection that the Trans Damodar and Ichhapur Coal Blocks had already been allotted by the central government in favour of WBMDTC on 14.01.2005 and 02.08.2006 respectively. 

LF GOVT OPPOSED PRIVATE PLAYERS

Again, the state government through chief secretary’s letter No. 314-CS/2007 dated 24th October 2007 explained the state government’s perspective for allocation of Coal Blocks under State Dispensation route as well its concern against central government’s preference for the private players which constituted a marked departure from central government’s own policy as communicated vide No. 38035/2/97-CA dated 12th  December 2001 and No. 13016/18/2005-CA.1 dated 21st September 2005.

The  state government further vide chief secretary’s DO letter No. 314-CS dated 24th October 2007 wrote: “One of the options to meet… the requirements of coal for … the projects is, of course, to ensure availability through Coal India Ltd., and particularly Eastern Coalfields Limited (ECL) and Bharat Coking Coal Limited (BCCL). However, during our discussion with representatives of CIL, ECL and BCCL, it transpired that the present availability of coking and non-coking coal with these companies do not permit them to meet these additional requirements even in the foreseeable future.

“The second option, therefore, is to ensure availability of coal to these new projects through exploration and mining of virgin coal blocks recently put up for allocation by your ministry. But, at the same time, the state government is opposed to the idea of direct allocation of such coal blocks to these companies to guard against chances of diversion, non-utilisation/part utilisation and related unforeseen possibilities. The state government would like the West Bengal Mineral Development and Trading Corporation Ltd (WBMDTC), which is a fully state government owned corporation for mining and trading operations, to operate these new Blocks for meeting the requirement of new greenfield steel and power projects in the state.

“To our surprise, however, it has been observed that the Coal Screening Committee recommended allocation of such Coal Blocks to private companies in spite of specific recommendation of the state government that such Coal Blocks should be allocated only to WBMDTC. The recent recommendation of the Screening Committee on Gourangdih ABC may kindly be referred to. The state government is also unable to understand as to why private companies are being recommended for allocation of Coal Blocks which have been specifically earmarked for State dispensation/ government company route. In fact, all the 20 that we have previously requested for allocation to WBMDTC – all being to this specific category of State dispensation /government company route, we strongly feel that private companies should not be given access to Coal Blocks which have been earmarked for the State dispensation route. Another point raised by the Screening Committee in its meeting is that WBMDTC had in itself not applied for allocation of these Coal Blocks. Since WBMDTC is only a subsidiary corporation under the state government and since the state government as the principal body has specifically requested for allocation of Coal Blocks to WBMDTC as early as December 2006 and January 2007, we feel that the issue of WBMDTC having not itself applied for these Blocks is not relevant. The state government strongly opposes any allocation of Coal Blocks to any private company particularly those which are earmarked for State dispensation /government company route.”

The state government further stated to the central government vide chief secretary’s DO letter No. 107-CS/2008 dated 8th February 2008 that “the state government is fully conscious of the paucity of coal which is a useful industry raw material and the need for its optimal utilisation. Accordingly, our whole effort is directed to providing fillip to the coal mining process simultaneously through WBMDTC and private efforts, and at the same time, boost the industrial resurgence of the state.”

VIEWS ON THE NEW LEGISLATION

In 2008, the central government came up with a new legislative intent seeking to replace the existing Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Act, 1957. The state government vide  principal secretary, Commerce & Industries, Department’s DO letter No. 2247/Pr.S dated 10th August 2009 communicated its views on the Draft MM (DR) Act 2009. A few changes were suggested. It was spelt out in the letter that the views of the state government as presented in the meeting convened by the central government in Delhi on August 10, 2009 would form part of the suggested changes. Among the views presented by the representative of the state government attending the said meeting in Delhi, the following  points deserve special mention.

“While competitive bidding for transparent and rational allocation process is a principle that cannot be faulted, the proposition neither defines the role of the states nor safeguards their interests. In fact, with this proposal the legal position, already tilted in favor of the central government, gets further distorted. Therefore, the state government urges that the power to invite applications to grant of mining lease should be devolved on the state government. However, while doing so, the qualifications of the applicants must be clearly defined and the bidding process must assign appropriate weights to the investments on account of value addition, end-use and improvement of infrastructure in the mineral bearing area.”

It was further communicated to the government of India that if the government of India persists with its proposal of vesting itself with the powers in the extant Act under the proposed amendment, the state government’s serious reservations against the proposition can be enumerated as given below:

i.                                            The Screening Committee route confers on the state governments the onus and freedom of making recommendations on the basis of value additions the end-use proponents desire to make. Despite the New Mineral Policy actively encouraging value additions, competitive bidding route will curtail such possibilities drastically, skewing further the imbalance between exploitation of mining reserves and captive mining. Needless to say, the two locations of captive mining and end-use project may not be co-terminus in the proposed regime.

ii.                                          Fast-track exploration needs, envisioned in the New Mineral Policy 2008 (NMP), would require simplified procedure to facilitate establishment of mineral reserves and inventory preparation by deploying state-of-the-art techniques, technology and equipment. This proposal militates against NMP’s stipulation of involving the private sector in a scientific and speedy prospecting and exploration process, given the Standing Committee’s caveat of only explored blocks being put to such competitive bidding. As per available information out of 17,300 sq. km of potential coal bearing area in the country, until the end of Tenth Plan, only 11,865 sq. km area has been regionally/promotionally explored. To cite a state-specific example, in West Bengal out of the total coal resource forecast of GSI of 28.32 billion tonnes, only 11.65 billion tonnes are in the proved category of which so far only 2 billion tonnes has been extracted. The hiatus between the available geological and extractable/extracted resources is too large to be ignored.

iii.                                        States like West Bengal, largely dependent on coal for thermal power generation, may get left out if competitive bidding is resorted for allocating coal blocks.

iv.                                       The financial strength of highest bidder would tilt the allocation process in favour of large companies. This would contravene the need for equity in allocation to small and medium producers, whose dependence on fuel supply linkage through public sector utilities would only grow.  The ground experience of poor qualitative and quantitative delivery management by these utilities especially after introduction of New Coal Distribution Policy 2008 is, however, not very encouraging.

v.                                         Despite abundance of coal resources in West Bengal, the state is totally dependent on coal allocation/ linkage of fuel supply by the union coal ministry for its upcoming new steel projects and ongoing power projects.  For both, its coal requirements can be easily met from existing reserves if the state is delegated the power of allocation of Coal Blocks located within its geographical boundaries. Such a step would not only save considerable money and time involved in allocation, but also substantially cut down the gestation period of these capital-intensive projects. Likewise, such decision for the power projects, whose fuel supply linkage is currently being met partly from ECL coalfields and partly from outside West Bengal, would end the criss-cross movement of coal, besides huge logistics operations for rail-road movement, rake availability and supply chain sustenance.

vi.                                       Production of steel, cement and sponge iron requires higher grade of coal with some specific properties while for power generation any kind of coal can be used. Sub-optimal utilisation of higher grade of coal in the competitive bidding process cannot be ruled out.

vii.                                     The Standing Committee has rightly highlighted the need for creation of Area Development Authorities for improving the community welfare and peripheral development in the mining areas through a special Local Coal Area Development Authority. Earmarking of funds for this purpose alone would leave the essential area of social development untouched by the highest bidder, as his priority would be to focus on maximum extraction in the mining area and maximum attention to end-use site.

viii.                                   The experience hitherto gained in captive mining allocation to private end-use projects does not evoke enough confidence that scaling-up of the process would accelerate the two processes of coal mining with commissioning of end-use project in a concomitant and time-bound manner.

It is necessary to mention that the government of India allocated to the WBMDTC only 6 Coal Blocks from  January  2005 to December 2007 under State dispensation/ government company route despite repeated request of the state government to allocate 20 Coal Blocks for meeting the industrial requirements of the state. 

Further, in response to the DO letter No. F-01/447 dated 7th November 2009 of the minister-in-charge of the Department of Commerce & Industries, government of West Bengal, the minister of state (independent charge) of coal, government of India, vide his DO letter No. 38036/1/2009-CA-I dated 20th November 2009 intimated that “at present there is no proposal for allocation of Coal Blocks either through government company dispensation route or Screening Committee route under consideration of the ministry.” In response to DO letter No. F-01/AD-533 dated 11th November 2009 of the minister-in-charge, Commerce & Industries Department, Govt of West Bengal, the union minister for  coal vide his DO letter No. 38036/1/2009-CA-I dated 17th December 2009 the views communicated were no different.

The state government of West Bengal had, however, been persistent in its efforts for  having the Coal Blocks allocated through State dispensation/ government company route from the beginning. In his DO letter No. F-01/196 dated 29th March 2010 to the union minister for coal,  the minister-in-charge, Commerce and Industries, Govt of West Bengal  reiterated the same stand but to no avail. The fact, however, remains that the state government of West Bengal had never opposed competitive bidding. What it has always insisted upon is that the ‘State dispensation route/government company’ route should not be bartered away to the private companies in the interests of the states.

People's Democracy, September 02, 2012